By James D. Sewell

Since 2000, law enforcement executives have become increasingly aware of the impact of occupational stress on the safety and wellness of their sworn and civilian employees. As a consequence, agencies have devoted increased attention to enhanced leadership practices, a greater emphasis on physical fitness, and the expansion of programs that support the psychological and emotional health of their personnel.

Included among the latter efforts have been a proliferation of employee assistance programs; increased use of in-house and contract psychologists, especially in assessing fitness for duty; expanded use of agency chaplains; and better paraprofessional support for their personnel through the development and use of peer support teams.

The idea of peer support dates back to the early 1970s with efforts within agencies—such as those in Boston, New York, and Chicago—to deal with alcoholism in their police ranks. Citing the successes of groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous, Police Officer Ed Donovan, who had been attending AA meetings to deal with his own abuse issues, formed the Boston Police Stress Program. Donovan and his colleagues were able to convince the Boston Police Commissioner to implement what we would now call a peer support program for police officers and their families, perhaps the first of its kind in the nation.

The peer support concept holds that police employees are more likely to discuss psychological and emotional issues with someone who understands their job and the types of stress they may undergo than with a psychological professional who brings expertise but no such understanding to the conversation. This approach at ensuring the emotional health of law enforcement personnel assumes that a basic level of training is necessary—and empathy is particularly critical—in allowing the paraprofessional to provide necessary support and to be able to listen, assess, and (as necessary and appropriate) refer a troubled colleague to proper and professional assistance. As Kamena and his co-authors have noted:

The mission of a peer support program is to provide emotional, social, and practical support to police personnel during times of personal or professional crisis. It may also offer peer-to-peer assistance in anticipating and addressing other potential challenges or difficulties. (Kamena et al. 2011, 80)

The literature discussing the use of peer support programs to effectively deal with the stress of police employees points to the strengths and weaknesses of such programs. In an early work on using peer supporters, Finn and Tomz (1998) identified benefits and weaknesses of peer supporters. Among the positives, they suggest that peer support personnel

• provide instant credibility and ability to empathize;

• assist fellow employees who are reluctant to talk with mental health professionals;

• recommend the program to other employees by attesting credibly to their confidentiality and concern;

• provide immediate assistance due to accessibility;

• detect incipient problems because of their daily contact with coworkers;

• are less expensive than professionals. Yet, they caution, peer support members

• cannot provide the professional care that licensed mental health practitioners can;

• may try to offer full-scale counseling that they are not equipped to provide;

• may be rejected by employees who want to talk only with a professional counselor;

• may be avoided by employees because of the fear that problems will not be kept confidential;

• require time, effort, and patience to screen, train, and supervise;

• may expose themselves and the department to legal liability.

Recognizing that peer support programs offer an effective complement to the provision of professional mental health services in contemporary law enforcement agencies, this paper will examine three areas:

1. The elements of an effective peer support program

2. Confidentiality in such a program

3. The activities of five existing peer support programs

Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. 2021. 88p.

By The Police Executive Research Forum.

This report is about two opposite but related issues: (1) the use of drones by police agencies to protect public safety and (2) the use of drones by malicious actors to commit various crimes such as acts of terrorism. Thus, the story of drones is about two radically different sides of the same coin. This report should be seen as two separate reports. The bulk of the document, chapters 1 and 2, provides guidance to police and sheriffs’ departments about how to identify the ways in which drones could facilitate their work and how to create a drone program to accomplish those goals. The remainder of the document, chapter 3, is about the malicious use of drones. As of early 2020, the United States is extremely vulnerable to drone attacks because only in late 2018 were federal law enforcement agencies given the legal authority to use the most effective types of technologies to detect and mitigate drone threats. Local police and sheriffs’ departments still are unable to purchase or use most counter-drone technologies because of concerns they might break the law when employing them and the danger of interference with air traffic in the National Airspace System. This is not merely oversight by Congress and federal agencies; there are important reasons for limiting drone detection and mitigation technologies. Careless or unskilled use of these technologies could result in disaster. For example, technologies that use radio signals to jam an incoming malicious drone or seize control of it, improperly used, might interfere with radio signals used by commercial or private airplanes or air traffic controllers. A number of federal and local law enforcement agencies have begun to explore counter-drone strategies at major events and mass gatherings such as the Super Bowl. But this work is still developing. Federal, state, and local lawmakers and government officials, including law enforcement officials, should accelerate their efforts to address these issues as soon as possible. The drone strikes against oil facilities in Saudi Arabia in September 2019, which temporarily disrupted approximately half of that kingdom’s oil production capacity, demonstrate how much harm can be done by the malicious use of drones. The United States must not wait until it suffers a drone attack to undertake large-scale efforts to develop strategies by law enforcement agencies at all levels of government for (1) identifying drone threats and (2) mitigating drone threats in real time.

The research behind this report In 2018 and 2019, the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), with support from the U.S. Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Office of Community Oriented Policing Services and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Office for State and Local Law Enforcement, conducted research, disseminated a survey of law enforcement agencies, and hosted a two-day forum to discuss police use of drones and the police response to the threat of drones being used maliciously. This project consisted of three major components: (1) an informal survey of 860 law enforcement agencies nationwide; (2) interviews with more than 50 police executives and personnel in agencies that operate a drone program or have plans to implement one; and (3) a two-day national conference in which police executives, federal stakeholders, and other experts from across the country discussed and debated the considerations associated with police use of drones. The purpose of this report is to assist police agencies interested in establishing their own drone programs.1 Key findings and recommended practices This report is divided into three chapters:

1. Pre-Implementation Considerations

2. Establishing a Drone Program

3. Malicious Use of Drones

Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services.2020..128p.

By: Clifford Karchmer

Traditional police response to crime has been reactive, yet nationwide trends toward problem-oriented and community-oriented policing have changed this approach in many departments. Over the past decade, police executives have shifted to more proactive policing and have instituted collaborative programs with a wide range of community groups and other organizations to prevent crime. These programs likely have contributed to decreasing rime, with most success demonstrated by the vast reduction in the nation’s homicide rate.

This report reviews current trends in homicide rates, the changing police perspective on homicide prevention, and summarizes innovative police department programs as captured in a Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) and Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) exploratory project that examined the homicide prevention practices of over 70 police departments. The goal of this report is to highlight successful policing strategies and programs offered by departments in cities that have reduced homicide. Descriptions of homicide prevention strategies and key program elements common to successful police departments around the country may serve as a guide to other police executives seeking to reduce homicide in their communities.

Homicide Prevention, October 2002

By Mehmet Murat PAYAM

It is obvious that tourism is a critical revenue source for many countries and visitors are affected by the perception of safety and security at the destinations. According to the World Travel and Tourism Council, tourism continues to be one of the world’s largest sectors. In addition to this, Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report considers safety and security to be a pillar of tourism competitiveness with ‘reliability of police services’ a central anchor. As any safety or security mishap can destroy a tourism destination’s reputation, the safety and security of tourists should be a matter of national security. In this context, it is believed that tourism police help create the destination image. For this purpose, the Tourist Police Unit should be set up in order to provide safety and security to tourists. Any investments in tourism oriented policing will be an investment in the economic future of the destination and the country. If a country wants to increase its competitiveness in the tourism industry, tourist police system must be introduced as soon as possible. The objective then is to become one of the top five most visited safe and secure destinations in the world. There should be consensus on the necessity to introduce a separate Tourism Police Unit at least in major cities such as Antalya, İstanbul and Konya. In short this paper provides an overview of tourism security and concentrates on the world of Tourism Oriented Policing and Protection services (TOPPs).

Conference: I. Eurasia International Tourism Congress: Current Issues, Trends, and Indicators (EITOC-2015)

By Md. Ohidujjaman and ARM Mehrab Ali

Problem-oriented policing is considered to be a very effective strategy to prevent crimes, which prefers proactive strategies over-reactive responses. Understanding the importance of problem-oriented policing, Dhaka District Police has already taken some initiatives for preventing offenses in the first place. The paper has given a look at those initiatives taken by Dhaka district police and wanted to explore whether those initiatives can decrease crimes and minimize the tendency of criminal behaviors. Our result shows that the number of case filed under Dhaka District Police has a decreasing pattern during 2011-15, especially cases concerning violence against women and children have reduced significantly. It is clear that the problem-oriented proactive policing worked as one of the catalysts to reduce the number of cases filed. This result is consistent with the evidence from similar other studies and existing theory, which predicts that problem-oriented proactive policing will reduce cases and have a positive impact on the community level. However, further research with extensive primary data collection is necessary to measure the impact of the proactive policing practice of the Dhaka District Police.

IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS); Volume 22, Issue 9, Ver. 7 (September. 2017) PP 01-09

By Amy J. Halsted, Max L. Bromley and John K. Cochran

Numerous prior studies have explored the level of job satisfaction of police officers. Some research has also focused on officer perceptions of community policing as practiced in municipal police agencies. There has been little empirical research on either topic conducted in sheriffs' offices throughout the US. The present study examines the relative effects of work orientation on levels of job satisfaction among deputy sheriffs in an urban sheriff's office which practices community policing on an agency-wide basis. Our findings suggest service-oriented deputies are somewhat more satisfied with their jobs than their crime control-oriented counterparts.

PIJPSM 23,1 82

By BRANDON DEL POZO, Jessica Reichert, Bruce Taylor

Police frequently encounter people with opioid use disorder (OUD), having a profound effect on their risk environment and health outcomes. Officers retain significant discretionary authority in their response to these encounters. To explore the factors that underlie these decisions, we surveyed a sample of Illinois police officers. We administered an online survey to Illinois police departments using a random sampling strategy, stratified by agency size and the rurality of their service areas. Our final sample was 248 police officers from 27 departments. We surveyed officers’ beliefs about 1) influences and control over their decision-making; 2) the approval of other actors in making referrals to treatment for addiction, and 3) the potential impacts of medication-assisted treatment (MAT). We analyzed the survey data using descriptive statistics and regression analyses. Most officers were highly influenced by the expectations of their supervisors when responding to subjects who appeared to have an OUD, and about half would take direction from addiction treatment providers. Police in urban departments perceived greater support for MAT and were more likely to believe MAT could reduce the need for future arrests. Our findings suggest ways police officers can be influenced to make discretionary decisions that improve the health outcomes of their encounters with people with OUD: 1) Supervisors should serve as champions to promote referrals to treatment for substance use disorders; 2) Collaboration between law enforcement and community addiction treatment providers should be strengthened, and 3) MAT should be supported and expanded in rural areas.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2024. 29p.

By Alex Menninger, Sharyn Adams, Jessica Reichert

Introduction

A disproportionate number of police contacts involve people with behavioral health needs, such as those experiencing a mental health crisis or struggling with a substance use disorder (Livingston, 2016). Deflection is one type of program in which police officers are able to refer persons who they encounter to behavioral health services (Lindquist-Grantz et al., 2021). Participation is voluntary, and the referral service is free to participants. Deflection aims to reduce criminal justice system involvement and connect people with treatment and other services to improve individual and community health (Charlier & Reichert, 2020).

We evaluated the development of a new deflection program in Illinois, Little Egypt Alternative Pathways (LEAP), that covers Jackson, Johnson, and Williamson counties (southern Illinois is known as Little Egypt due to perceived geographic similarities [Williamson County Government, n.d.]) The goal is for police in the Illinois State Police-led Southern Illinois Enforcement Group (SIEG), a multijurisdictional police task force, to refer persons to services in these counties. An overview how participants interact with the program is shown in Figure 1.

Program development began with multi-day, guided action planning sessions facilitated by Treatment Alternatives for Safe Communities’ Center for Health and Justice (TASC CHJ). Action planning brought together local community stakeholders to learn about deflection programs, form objectives, and discuss implementation strategies. After six days of action planning, the final product was a Solutions Action Plan that detailed the group’s plan to create their deflection program. To evaluate and offer insights into the planning process, we collected data through field observations and surveys and developed recommendations to guide future action planning sessions and promote the success of LEAP’s program.

Methodology

A researcher from the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) attended the six action planning sessions in February and March of 2023 for a total of 29 hours of field observation. All action planning sessions were conducted in person and included 6 to 13 local service providers each day. We administered a paper survey to participants at the end of each action planning day to gather information on participants’ action planning process, levels of engagement, intentions for implementation, and perceived benefits of a deflection program. We gathered participant demographic information on day 1 of action planning and administered a collaboration survey on day 5. We analyzed the action planning sessions based on field notes and supportive documents and summarized what transpired each day. We also analyzed the survey data from people who attended each day and the data from the collaboration survey using descriptive statistics. Findings revealed participants’ views about what transpired during the action planning process, what feedback they had about the sessions, and how they perceived collaboration during the process.

Key Findings

Twenty representatives from 12 local organizations participated in at least one of the six action planning sessions. One of the participating organizations was a law enforcement agency that will serve as the primary referral source of participants to deflection specialists. The other 11 organizations were service providers and community organizations that will receive referrals from deflection specialists. The majority worked in behavioral health. Action planning sessions were additionally attended by TASC, Inc. staff, who are not a part of TASC CHJ; an ICJIA researcher; a subject matter expert; and a representative of the Illinois State Police. The distinct roles that staff from TASC CHJ and TASC, Inc. play in a deflection program are that TASC CHJ facilitates action planning and then the program is handed off to TASC, Inc. TASC, Inc. is the agency that employs the “deflection specialists” who conduct case management and make referrals to services.

Early in the action planning process, participants identified substance use and mental health crises as the greatest areas of concern in their community. The group agreed interagency communication was important for program success. Participant engagement increased on days 2 and 3 of action planning as the group discussed how police were to refer potential participants and what the established outcomes for this program should be. On day 3, participants also voiced some confusion about the different roles that TASC CHJ and TASC, Inc. play in program development and implementation. The confusion seemed to be somewhat resolved on day 4 of action planning, when the TASC, Inc. deflection specialists attended and gave more explanation. As the action planning sessions neared their end, the group finalized four program outcomes for the deflection program and, to achieve them, 19 strategies and 63 action steps. Action steps focused on partnerships, community outreach, marketing, and trainings.

Survey results from the beginning of action planning indicated participants felt additional community partners were needed to promote program success. Attendees were satisfied with the action planning process overall, although their satisfaction declined in the second half of action planning. Participants were confident that the program would benefit the community, but uncertain about its sustainability and the extent to which all involved organizations shared long-term goals. This perception is not surprising given participants had minimal discussion about short- or long-term program goals. On the last day of action planning, participants stated they would likely take an active role in program implementation. Results from the collaboration survey identified insufficient resources and organization participation as the areas of greatest concern. Collaborative strengths included high levels of agreement among respondents about the program being beneficial and about its accomplishment depending on multi-organizational collaborations.

Recommendations

Based on our findings, we provide recommendations to address concerns regarding attendance, engagement, and program implementation. First, since engagement fluctuated during sessions, we recommend increased attendance at action planning sessions. Increased attendance would likely boost the representation of local community organizations and increase service capacity. It also potentially would enhance the quality of the action plan and benefit participants’ satisfaction (Luyet et al., 2012). Second, we recommend repeating the descriptions of stakeholder roles to help clarify the roles of TASC CHJ (leading action planning and technical assistance) and TASC, Inc. (day-to-day operations). Third, we recommend increasing participants’ understanding of the planning, implementation, and operational processes. Next, we also suggest that groups formulate measurable outcomes and prioritize action steps, which can be done through the creation a program logic model (Gleicher, 2017; Centers for Disease Controls and Prevention, n.d.). The collaboration survey could serve as a baseline measurement of the group’s perceptions about collaborative dynamics that may be inhibiting progress toward measurable outcomes. The survey can be given out to note changes in collaborators’ perceptions over time and tie them to outcomes and action steps. Finally, the program should try to increase collaboration by engaging political and community leadership (D’Amour et al., 2009; Farhoudian et al., 2022).

Conclusion

The action planning process brought together local service providers and law enforcement to develop a solutions action plan for the LEAP deflection program in southern Illinois. The program will connect individuals experiencing a substance use disorder or mental health crisis with behavioral health and other services in their community. The final action plan formulated objectives, strategies, and action steps toward implementing the deflection program. Further clarification of the program process and roles as well as increased local community engagement can improve program development to promote success.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2024. 58p.

By Nancy Sullivan, Sharyn Adams, Eva Ott Hill, Jessica Reichert

Introduction

A significant amount of police engagement involves persons with multiple service needs, such as substance use treatment or mental health services. A public safety and public health partnership encourages police to “deflect” individuals from the criminal justice system by referring them to treatment and other service providers (Charlier & Reichert, 2020; Lindquist-Grantz et al., 2021). Individuals may face several barriers to treatment and services, but deflection can reduce barriers such as social stigma, waiting lists, and limited ability to personally fund treatment (Charlier & Reichert, 2020).

We evaluated the action planning process for a deflection program in Southwestern Illinois, later named Choices. The program serves the following counties: Calhoun, Greene, Jersey, Macoupin, Madison, Monroe, Montgomery, and St. Clair. The development of the program began with guided action planning sessions during which community stakeholders agreed that the focus of this program will be substance use and mental health. The program was then developed based on results of the action planning sessions. The two facilitators of the sessions were from Treatment Alternatives for Safe Communities’ Center for Health and Justice (TASC CHJ), and at least one researcher from the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) attended each session.

Methodology

In conducting an evaluation of the action planning process, researchers attempted to answer the following research questions:

• Who participated in the action planning process?

• What transpired during the action planning process?

• What feedback about the action planning process did participants provide?

• What was the content of the final action plan?

• To what extent was there collaboration among the participants?

• What areas of collaboration can be enhanced to produce the most effective outcomes?

In order to evaluate the action planning process aimed at developing the deflection program, researchers examined multiple data sources, including field observations, supporting documents (e.g., sign in sheets, handouts), and participant surveys. We conducted field observations and took field notes during six action planning sessions in October and December 2022. At the end of each session day, we administered a survey to all participants to obtain their feedback on the program and action planning process. On the final day of action planning, we administered a survey to gauge the level of collaboration among participants. One study limitation was that not all participants completed every action planning session survey. The number of participants and surveys varied by session. In addition, as Chicago-based researchers, we may not understand the intricacies of the community area.

Key Findings

The action planning process for the Southwestern Illinois deflection program took place over six days. Fifteen representatives from 13 different organizations participated in at least one session.

During observations of action planning, participants appeared unsure about the deflection model as well as the overall action planning process. Facilitators did the bulk of the talking, and participation was consistent but low. When they joined in, participants were engaged and discussed community issues, needs, collaboration, and program design. The participants completed the action plan document detailing objectives and action steps for the program implementation. However, the participants struggled to produce measurable objectives when finalizing the Solutions Action Plan (SAP).

Based on the results of the surveys, participants felt that collaboration was strong and that those who should have been at the action planning sessions were already there. By the conclusion of the final session, the majority in attendance reported that they were confident this program would help their community and positively rated the action planning process.

Recommendations

Based on the findings of the evaluation, we offer four recommendations for future action planning sessions. First, increased collaboration is necessary in order to have an effective action planning session and, down the line, a successful implementation of the program. Team building as well as community engagement are recommended to improve collaboration among both groups. Second, increased participation is essential to the success of the action planning sessions. Not only is the number of participants important, but their diversity, as well. Moreover, action planning participants should be representative of the local communities they are serving. Third, it is essential that all participants in action planning have a thorough understanding of both deflection and the action planning process. Ensuring that all participants fully understand both of these items at the start of action planning will reduce the time spent explaining them throughout the sessions, resulting in more engagement and participation in actual planning. Finally, it is essential that all objectives created by participants are reasonably measurable. The use of a logic model is recommended to keep participants on track and to make sure that each objective is measurable and attainable.

Conclusion

We conducted an evaluation of the action planning process to develop a deflection program, Choices, to help persons with substance use and/or mental health disorders in Southwestern Illinois. The action planning sessions for the program identified community issues and discussed community needs, collaboration, and resources in order to draft the program’s structure, design, and implementation. These discussions led to the final action plan document, which laid out objectives and action steps for the implementation phase of the program. The program employs a police-led deflection model, with the help of multijurisdictional drug task forces, to refer individuals to services in their community. We recommend increased engagement of diverse community members, more clarity on the purpose of the action planning process, and the creation of measurable objectives.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2024. 57p.

By Patricio Domínguez and Carlos Scartascini 

Crime levels are a perennial development problem in Latin America and a renewed concern in the United States. At the same time, trust in the police has been falling, and questions abound about citizens' willingness to support government efforts to fight crime. We conducted a survey experiment to elicit willingness to contribute toward reducing crime across five Latin American countries and the United States. We compare homicide, robbery, and theft estimates and find a higher willingness to contribute for more severe crimes and for higher crime reductions. In addition, we examine the role of information on the willingness to contribute by conducting two experiments. First, we show that exposing respondents to crime-related news increases their willingness to pay by 5 percent. Furthermore, while we document a 7 percent gap in willingness to pay for crime reduction between people who under- and over-estimate the murder rate, we find that this gap can be wholly eliminated by informing them about the actual level of crime. On average, our estimates suggest that households are willing to contribute around $140 per year for a 20 percent reduction in homicide. This individual-level predisposition would translate into additional investment in public security efforts of up to 0.5 percent of GDP.

Washington DC: IDB, 2022.  38p.

By David Weisburd,  David B. Wilson,  Charlotte Gill,  Kiseong Kuen, and Taryn Zastrow

One of the key policing innovations of the last three decades has been community-oriented policing. It is particularly important because it is one of the only proactive policing approaches that consistently improves citizen evaluations of the police. At the same time, a series of reviews have concluded that there is not persuasive evidence that community policing reduces crime. In this paper we argue that these conclusions are likely flawed because of what we term crime reporting sensitivity (CRS) bias. CRS bias occurs because community policing leads to more cooperation with the police and subsequently increased crime reporting. Such increased crime reporting bias adjusts crime prevention outcomes of community policing downward. We illustrate this process by reanalyzing data from the Brooklyn Park ACT Experiment (Weisburd et al., 2021). We begin by showing the specific crime categories that contribute most to CRS bias. We then use a difference-in-differences panel regression approach to assess whether the experimental intervention in Brooklyn Park led to significant CRS bias. Finally, we use bounded estimates from the Brooklyn Park Experiment to adjust meta-analytic results from prior community policing studies to examine whether the conclusion that community policing does not impact on crime would need to be revisited if CRS bias was accounted for. We find that adjusted estimates tell a very different, more positive, story about community policing, suggesting that future studies should recognize and adjust for CRS bias, or identify other measures not influenced by this mechanism.

Journal of Law & Empirical Analysis, 1(1) 2024 

By Hannah Cochran and Robert E. Worden  

The proliferation of body-worn cameras (BWCs) among police agencies across the nation emerged largely in response to sweeping demands for increased police accountability and transparency: heightened tensions between the police and the public in the aftermath of several high-profile in-custody deaths spurred attention to this technological innovation, and its benefits were expected to accrue to both law enforcement and community. Early media accounts’ praise for BWC technology heralded its potential to rebuild police-community relationships, reinforce accountability mechanisms for police, improve the quality of evidence in police investigations, and reduce the number of frivolous civilian complaints. Emblematic of its widespread appeal, in the aftermath of Michael Brown’s shooting, the Brown family urged the public to unite behind a platform that promotes the police use of body-worn cameras (Sink, 2014). The President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing (2015) endorsed the dissemination and implementation of policing technologies such as BWCs, and it noted the urgent need for expanded research on the efficacy and practicability of BWCs. The Task Force also called for inquiry into the potential impacts of BWCs on the communities in which they are deployed. To wit, the report (2015: 32) quoted Ronald L. Davis, then the director of the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), who wrote (in Miller and Toliver, 2014: vii): Although body-worn cameras can offer many benefits, they also raise serious questions about how technology is changing the relationship between police and the community. Body-worn cameras not only create concerns about the public’s privacy rights but also can affect how officers relate to people in the community, the community’s perception of the police, and expectations about how police agencies should share information with the public. The public’s embedded significance and relevance to the implementation of BWCs is underrepresented by the body of research on the subject, most of which spotlights police perceptions, and police and citizen behavior. In their review of BWC research, Lum and colleagues (2019) found that the number of studies examining officer behavior and attitudes were double those in which citizen or community attitudes were examined as outcomes. BWC technology emerged in part as a response to public demands; a fundamental question underlying the use of BWCs is what the public thinks about BWCs, and why. But evidence on how the public views this technology, and the correlates of public sentiment is slim. Expanding this research could be crucial to understanding the potential impacts of current and future reforms, and that is the purpose of our study.  

 Albany, NY: The John F. Finn Institute for Public Safety, Inc.   2020. 43p.

By: Michael S. Scott

Police agencies have, for the most part, not yet integrated the principles and methods of problem-oriented policing into their routine operations. This is so for several reasons. First, many police officials lack a complete understanding of the basic elements of problem-oriented policing and how problem-solving fits in the context of the whole police function. Second, the police have not yet adequately developed the skill sets and knowledge bases to support problem-oriented policing. And third, the police have insufficient incentives to take problem-oriented policing seriously. This paper begins by articulating what full integration of problem-oriented policing into routine police operations might look like. It then presents one framework for integrating the principles and methods of problem-oriented policing into the whole police function. The paper then explores the particular skill sets and knowledge bases that will be essential to the practice of problem-oriented policing within police agencies and across the police profession. Finally, it explores the perspectives of those who critically evaluate police performance, and considers ways to modify those perspectives and expectations consistent with problem-oriented policing.

Crime Prevention Studies, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 49-77

By Roberto Santos and Rachel Santos    

The three elements of community policing are (1) partnerships, (2) problem-solving, and (3) organizational transformation. These elements depend on one another: To develop meaningful partnerships with the community and conduct collaborative problem-solving, the community must trust the police and see them as legitimate in their authority. Research has established that an effective way of increasing legitimacy and trust is consistent, positive engagement between police and community members. Police departments have developed many community policing programs and events that bring police and community members together to interact in positive ways; some of the longest-established include Police Athletic Leagues (PAL), National Night Out, and Coffee with a Cop. Generally, such programs are carried out by designated community policing units or a small number of specific personnel, or through a publicity campaign or social media. There are fewer established models for implementing community engagement departmentwide. This guide focuses on promoting positive interpersonal interactions between community members and officers at any rank outside of normal law enforcement, management, or administrative duties. These proactive community contacts could be one-time or regular interactions, but they are personalized, often brief, direct, and positive. The significance of a simple type of interpersonal connection cannot be stressed enough: Research shows that community members’ opinions of police are greatly affected by positive contacts.3 The challenge is setting up a framework to make officers—not only patrol officers, but detectives, sergeants, managers, and commanders—more willing to proactively and consistently engage with the community in a way that makes sense for their positions and can easily become part of their normal duties. Such a framework can help an agency more easily systematize department-wide community engagement to build legitimacy and trust, which improves community acceptance of police efforts to partner, problem-solve, and prevent crime. Hearing from the police is important to translating concepts supported by research into realistic ways to operationalize best practices. The discussion in this guide is the outcome of focus groups conducted with officers at every rank from a wide range of departments across the United States. Ninety-seven people participated in 12 focus groups conducted via video conferencing—two each of officers or detectives, sergeants, lieutenants, captains or commanders, executive-level staff, and agency heads. The objective of the focus groups was to understand what would make law enforcement—both individuals and the broader police culture—more amenable to community engagement in daily activities and to identify challenges to community engagement implementation. Analysis of the conversations focused on finding out which activities are easy and realistic for law enforcement officers to implement individually and what organizational support they need to do so. The results, presented here, offer considerations about how to operationalize proactive community engagement with clear expectations, mechanisms for accountability, and alignment with proactive crime reduction and crime prevention. The discussion covers why community engagement is important; a framework, outlined by the major themes from the focus groups, for operationalizing community engagement; and, as an example, an application of the framework to one specific community engagement strategy—community walks. Our hope is that agencies will use this framework to implement any type of engagement strategy that can work for their communities.   

 Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services., 2024. 26p. 

By Julian Go

 In the early 20th century, police departments across America’s cities enhanced their infrastructural power by adopting various tactical, operational, and organizational innovations. Based upon a nested cross-city analysis of qualitative and quantitative data, including negative binomial regression analysis of the determinants of militarization, this study reveals that these innovations constituted an early form of militarization resulting from imperial feedback. Local Police Borrowed Tactics, techniques, and organizational templates from America’s imperial military regime that had been developed to conquer and rule foreign populations. Imperial feedback occurred as a result of imperial imports, many of them veterans of America’s imperial-military apparatus, who constructed analogies between colonial subjects abroad and racialized minorities at home. The study identifies an early form of police militarization, reveals the imperial origins of police militarization, and offers a potentially transportable theory of imperial feedback that stands as one among other possible routes to police militarization.  

   AJS Volume 125 Number 5 (March 2020): 1193–1254  

By: Graham Farrell and Ken Pease

The attempt to reduce

• the number of crime events and/or

• the loss and harm resulting from crime events

is the core work of both the security industry and the police, with their local authority partners. The difference is that the former does its work for its employers (where the security is in-house) or for paying clients. The police act as the National Health Service to the security industry’s BUPA, with many of the same tensions that arise at the points of connection.

This chapter seeks to outline key aspects of criminology that, in the view of the authors, make a significant and continuing contribution to the security industry. Its main aim therefore, is to present an introduction to crime prevention and crime science for a readership working in the security industry. Enough case studies of successful crime reduction efforts have now been published to provide a source of information and possible emulation for anyone in the public or private sector seriously interested in crime and loss reduction.

August 2005 Chapter forthcoming in M. Gill (Ed.) The Handbook of Security. Perpetuity Press.

By Ruth Halkon 

Police use stop and search powers to search people who they suspect to be in possession of unlawful items, such as illegal drugs, weapons, or stolen property. The power is seen by the police as a valuable tool in the fight against crime, both deterring offenders and preventing further offending. However the evidence on its effectiveness is mixed, and there are gaps in the data, particularly surrounding its use in the UK context. Moreover, stop and search is associated with potential harm, both to individuals and to communities as a whole. This briefing will examine the current evidence in relation to stop and search and how it is practiced in the UK, examining in particular questions of its disproportionate use against young people and those from minority ethnic groups 

London: The Police Foundation, 2024, 26p.

By: L. Thomas Winfree Jr and Greg Newbold

Police in New Zealand have a well-established community-policing tradition. The current research is based on a survey of 440 officers, or roughly 6 percent of the New Zealand Police's sworn personnel We focused on the personal values, interpersonal relationships, and work situations of the officers as a way of understanding their respective levels of satisfaction with their jobs and assessment of their superiors. The goal was to determine the extent to which job satisfaction and perceptions of supervisory support varied within a national police force officially committed to community policing. The findings suggest that, even in a national police with an avowed community-policing orientation, not all police officers perceived the work world in the same terms. We further address the policy implications of these findings.

22 Policing Int. J. Police Strat. & Mgmt. 589 1999

By Sarah L. Desmarais, Eva McKinsey, Ethan Rex, and Jessica Smith

Executed by the North Carolina Association of Chiefs of Police (NCACP), UNC School of Government Criminal Justice Innovation Lab (the Lab), Policy Research Associates (PRA), and North Carolina State University (NCSU), the Citation Project sought to improve policing practices through implementation and rigorous evaluation of a model Citation in Lieu of Arrest Policy. On December 1, 2020, four North Carolina police departments implemented the project’s model policy: Apex, Elizabeth City, Wilmington, and Winston-Salem. The evaluation of the model policy examined four questions.

Was the model policy implemented consistently according to its guidelines and recommendations? Our findings indicate challenges with implementation that primarily reflected limited patrol officer buy-in. Despite multiple implementation strategies and consistent buy-in from leadership, some patrol officers expressed discontent with the model policy. This response, along with relatively low completion of required documentation in warrantless arrest encounters, limits our ability to evaluate the impact of the model policy.

Did the model policy increase the use of citations in policy-relevant encounters without increasing involvement of individuals in the criminal justice system? Overall, there was no increase in citation rates following implementation of the model policy. In two pilot sites, citation rates decreased after implementation. When evaluating encounters by offense type, we found that citation rates for traffic offenses were over 98% even before implementation of the model policy, signaling a ceiling effect on any potential impact. Only one site had an increase in citation rates for traffic offenses; the others had no change. We found no meaningful increases in citation rates for the other two offense types examined: non-violent and violent misdemeanors. We also found that the number of encounters over time across all sites decreased. Put another way, there was no evidence of increased involvement in the justice system. This decrease in encounters was likely due to external factors such as COVID-19 and social protests, which stakeholders identified as affecting policing practices.

Did the model policy result in the administration of citations in an equitable manner by race/ethnicity? We found that citation rates did not increase for any racial/ethnic subgroup following implementation of the model policy. Instead, the citation rate decreased for Black people in one site and for both Black and White people in another. We also found that differences across races did not change over time. Finally, although the policy was not designed to address racial differences in overall encounters, we examined that issue for context. We found that in three sites, Black people were significantly overrepresented in misdemeanor encounters with the police and White people were significantly underrepresented.

Did the model policy reduce the amount of time that police and equipment are removed from service during an encounter? Officers saved an average of over ninety minutes per encounter when choosing to cite instead of arrest. However, because of low completion of required documentation in warrantless arrest encounters, the data used for this calculation may not be representative of all encounters covered by the model policy.

Several important qualifications and limitations apply to these findings. These include external factors, such as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and periods of social unrest, that overlapped with implementation of the model policy; implementation challenges; overall decreases in misdemeanor charging during the study period; and characteristics of the pilot sites, such as attitudes towards citation in lieu of arrest.

We conclude this report with recommendations for new or continuing implementation of citation in lieu of arrest initiatives. These recommendations include:

1. Conduct a needs assessment and use it to develop a targeted policy.

2. Conduct an organizational assessment to determine whether to implement a policy and how to do so.

3. Use implementation lessons learned from this evaluation to supplement organizational assessment results.

4. Continue to assess and address issues of racial/ethnic equity.

University of North Carolina, School of Government, 2023. 38p.

By Sarah Florini

How black Americans use digital networks to organize and cultivate solidarity unrest gripped Ferguson, Missouri, after Mike Brown, an unarmed black teenager, was shot and killed by Officer Darren Wilson in August 2014. Many black Americans turned to their digital and social media networks to circulate information, cultivate solidarity, and organize during that tumultuous moment. While Ferguson and the subsequent protests made black digital networks visible to mainstream media, these networks did not coalesce overnight. They were built and maintained over the years through common, everyday use. Beyond Hashtags explores these everyday practices and their relationship to larger social issues through an in-depth analysis of a trans-platform network of black American digital and social media users and content creators. In the crucial years leading up to the emergence of the Movement for Black Lives, black Americans used digital networks not only to cope with day-to-day experiences of racism but also as an incubator for the debates that have since exploded onto the national stage. Beyond Hashtags tells the story of an influential subsection of these networks, an assemblage of podcasting, independent media, Instagram, Vine, Facebook, and the network of Twitter users that has come to be known as “Black Twitter.” Florini looks at how black Americans use these technologies often simultaneously to create a space to reassert their racial identities, forge community, organize politically, and create alternative media representations and news sources. Beyond Hashtags demonstrates how much insight marginalized users have into technology.

New York: NYU Press, 2019.