By The New York City Department of Investigation

  Each year, New York City issues tens of thousands of parking permits that allow the holders to park in locations around the City not available to those without permits.1 Permits are issued by the New York City Department of Transportation (“DOT”), the New York Police Department (“NYPD”), and the New York City Department of Education (“DOE”). In 2022, more than 95,000 permits were issued – over 26,000 by DOT, approximately 40,000 by NYPD, and over 30,000 by DOE. The vast majority of the City’s parking permits are issued to City employees for use while conducting City business. Some permits are issued to non-City employees, including employees of other government agencies, people with disabilities, and certain not-for-profit organizations. DOT, NYPD, and DOE issue parking permits to their own employees. DOT also issues permits to several dozen other agencies and members of the public; NYPD also issues permits to other law enforcement agencies. DOT’s permits issued to City agencies and staff, including DOT staff, allow parking in specified areas not available to the general public for limited periods of time while conducting City business. NYPD issues similar parking permits. DOT, NYPD, and DOE also issue parking permits for parking in certain on-street spaces that have been specifically designated for use by agency parking permit holders, typically near City office buildings, precincts, and schools. Permit abuse is a subject of long-standing concern in the City. Such abuse includes illegal parking while displaying a valid permit, use of permit “stand-ins” such as business cards or work vests, by individuals who may not have a valid permit, and the proliferation of fraudulent permits. There are limited designated spaces for City employees to park and the number of parking permits issued to City employees far exceeds such spaces. Illegal parking while displaying a valid permit is therefore common and can cause dangerous conditions and contribute to traffic congestion in already crowded streets. Illegal parking by permitted vehicles, seemingly without sanction, is widely documented on social media, drawing attention to a form of corruption that erodes the public trust in municipal government  Past administrations have sought to address these problems, generally without success. In 2008, Mayor Michael Bloomberg reduced the number of parking permits issued to City employees, cutting by 20 percent the approximately 70,000 permits that the City estimated it had issued. While Mayor Bill de Blasio was required to issue 50,000 new permits to DOE employees as a result of an arbitration ruling, in 2017 he announced the implementation of new controls; stricter enforcement, including the creation of a dedicated NYPD enforcement unit; and harsher penalties in an effort to combat parking permit fraud and abuse. In 2019, he announced a plan to eliminate fake permits, involving the phase-out of physical placards and creation of an Integrated Parking Management System, including Pay-By-Plate parking meters. He announced a three strike policy to permanently revoke permits after three instances of misuse and a dedicated DOT placard abuse enforcement team. Many of these reforms did not materialize or have since been abandoned. The DOT enforcement unit was never created, and the NYPD unit was disbanded due to COVID-19 related budget cuts. Components of the Integrated Parking Management System were implemented and the deployment of Pay-By-Plate Meters was delayed and is slated to begin in April 2024. In December 2019, the New York City Council passed a package of legislation intended “to crack down on the improper use of City-issued parking permits, known as placards” and “to rein in misuse of placards.” Local Law 6 of 2020 was a part of that package and required that NYPD evaluate weekly, for a six-month period, at least 25 blocks or intersections that experienced a prevalence of improper use of parking permits and at least 25 blocks that experienced parking that obstructed street infrastructure, such as bicycle or bus lanes or fire hydrants. The law required NYPD to submit a monthly report to the New York City Department of Investigation  

New york: New York City Department of Investigation, 2024. 47p.

By Marcelo F. Aebi, Edoardo Cocco & Lorena Molnar

  This report summarises key findings from the 2022 Council of Europe Annual Penal Statistics on Prison Populations, better known as SPACE I, an acronym derived from its French name, Statistiques Pénales Annuelles du Conseil de l’Europe. A total of 48 out of the 51 prison administrations (PAs) across the 46 Council of Europe member states responded to the 2022 SPACE I questionnaire, thus contributing to this year’s survey. This signifies a 94% participation rate. The sole administrations that refrained from replying were those of San Marino and two of the three administrations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically the State PA and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina PA. Not all administrations responded to every question and, as far as the longitudinal analyses in this report are concerned, not all administrations have responded every year to the SPACE I questionnaire. Consequently, when interpreting the Figures of this report or comparing them with those of previous years, readers must consider the total number (N) of PAs included in each Figure and indicated in its title0F 1 . For example, the European average for the same indicator will vary from one Figure to another when the number of PAs included is not the same. Additionally, the Russian Federation's exclusion from the Council of Europe on 16 March 2022 results in its absence from the SPACE data collection from this survey onwards, impacting trend analyses. As a reminder, on 31 January 2021—the reference date for stock figures in the preceding SPACE I report—Europe housed 1,414,172 inmates, one third of which (478,714 inmates, or 34% of the total) were accommodated in Russian penal institutions. Furthermore, approximately 14% of the total budget expended by European PAs during the preceding year was accounted for by Russia. Thus, to maintain consistency in trend analyses, we also excluded the Russian Federation from the longitudinal analyses presented herein, recalculating all European average and median rates taken from prior reports. The Figures featured in this report use ratios, percentages, and rates per 100,000 inhabitants, rather than relying solely on absolute numbers. These metrics are influenced not only by fluctuations in inmate counts, but also by natural population changes. Researchers from the Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital have summarised the European population trends from 2000 to 2020 as follows: “Europe remains divided by long-term population trends. This division mostly follows the past geopolitical cleavage between Europe’s East and West. Countries in the comparatively rich regions —the West, South, and North— continue to experience rising population, due to a combination of minor natural population increase and higher level of immigration than emigration. In contrast, almost all countries in Central, South-Eastern, and Eastern Europe saw substantial population declines, due to a combined effect of natural population decrease and emigration.”1F 2 Thus, while a PA's inmate count may remain constant over time, its incarceration rate will fluctuate based on the country's natural population changes. Similarly, prison data for Azerbaijan, Cyprus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine exclude territories that are not under government control; however, their general population figures, which are used as a proxy for the population at risk of incarceration when calculating rates per 100,000 inhabitants, may not accurately account for this exclusion. Last year's SPACE I report (2021) was notably affected by the global movement restrictions imposed to curtail the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic during 2020, particularly the lockdowns. These limitations altered the structure of opportunities to commit crimes, resulting in a decline in most offline offences2F 3 and a surge in certain types of online offences3F 4 ; additionally, they disrupted the functioning of prosecution services and courts. These factors led to a reduction of the number of individuals entering penal institutions (flow of admissions). Coupled  with the preventive measure of inmate release in some countries—whether temporary or permanent—this significantly reduced the number of inmates (stock) in detention during 20204F 5 , resulting in lower prison populations on 31 January 2021 compared to one year earlier5F 6 . However, with the easing of movement restrictions in 2021, the structure of opportunities was largely restored, and the criminal justice system enabled to operate in a relatively normal way. As evident in this report, this resulted in an overall increase in the flow of admissions during 2021 and the number of inmates held in penal institutions as of 31 January 2022. Rates and percentages are presented as rounded numbers unless they fall below 10. A few exceptions to that rule were introduced when we considered that the addition or subtraction of decimals could help the comprehension of the indicator under study. The original data, with one decimal point, can be consulted in Tables 3 and 4 of Section 7. In our analysis, we employ the arithmetic mean (average) and the median as indicators of the central tendencies observed in Europe. Our focus is primarily on countries with populations exceeding 1,000,000 when highlighting significant deviations from these indicators. In that perspective, we have distinguished the description of the data from their plausible interpretations by putting the latter in bullet points [•]. We did the same for some specific methodological issues that can help readers when interpreting the data. For a more comprehensive explanation, please refer to the Methodology section at the end of this report    

Strasbourg and Lausanne : . Series UNILCRIM 2023/2. Council of Europe and University of Lausanne. 35p.

By Alex NowrAsteh

  Terrorism is a hazard to human life and material prosperity that should be addressed in a sensible manner whereby the benefits of government actions taken to contain it outweigh the costs. Whether policies are sensible depends on the risks that terrorism poses, the harms that terrorism inflicts, and the costs of anti-terrorism policies. This risk analysis of foreign-born terrorism is a crucial step in evaluating anti-terrorism policies related to immigration. A total of 230 foreign-born terrorists were responsible for 3,046 murders on US soil from 1975 through the end of 2023. The chance of a person perishing in a terrorist attack committed by a foreigner on US soil over that 49-year period was about 1 in 4.5 million per year. The hazard posed by foreigners who entered in different ways varies considerably. For instance, the annual chance of being murdered in an  attack committed by an illegal immigrant was zero. The federal government has an important role in screening foreigners who enter the United States and excluding those who pose a threat to the national security, safety, or health of Americans, as foreign-born terrorists explicitly do. This policy analysis does not make predictions about foreign-born terrorism on US soil; it merely analyzes the past risk posed by foreign-born terrorists on American soil. The past is the only source of data and information available about foreign-born terrorists on US soil, but foreign-born-terrorist trends could change, and there is no guarantee that past trends will continue. Still, the data and information in this focused terrorism risk analysis can aid in the efficient allocation of scarce government resources to best counter the small threat of foreign-born terrorists.  

   Policy Analysis no. 972

Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2024.  28p.

By Fatima Dakalbab and Qassim Nasir

The security of a community is its topmost priority; hence, governments must take proper actions to reduce the crime rate. Consequently, the application of artificial intelligence (AI) in crime prediction is a significant and well-researched area. This study investigates AI strategies in crime prediction. We conduct a systematic literature review (SLR). Our review evaluates the models from numerous points of view, including the crime analysis type, crimes studied, prediction technique, performance metrics and evaluations, strengths and weaknesses of the proposed method, and limitations and future directions. We review 120 research papers published between 2008 and 2021 that cover AI approaches for crime prediction. We provide 34 crime categories researched by researchers and 23 distinct crime analysis methodologies after analyzing the selected research articles. On the other hand, we identify 64 different machine learning (ML) techniques for crime prediction. In addition, we observe that the most applied approach in crime prediction is the supervised learning approach. Furthermore, we discuss the evaluation and performance metrics, as well as the tools utilized in building the models and their strengths and weaknesses. Crime prediction AI techniques are a promising field of study, and there are several ML models that researchers have applied. Consequently, based upon this review, we provide advice and guidance for researchers working in this area of study.

Social Sciences & Humanities Open

Volume 6, Issue 1, 2022, 100342

Edited by Nicole Watson and Heather Douglas

This book is a collection of key legal decisions affecting Indigenous Australians, which have been re-imagined so as to be inclusive of Indigenous people’s stories, historical experience, perspectives and worldviews. In this groundbreaking work, Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars have collaborated to rewrite 16 key decisions. Spanning from 1889 to 2017, the judgments reflect the trajectory of Indigenous people’s engagements with Australian law. The collection includes decisions that laid the foundation for the wrongful application of terra nullius and the long disavowal of native title. Contributors have also challenged narrow judicial interpretations of native title, which have denied recognition to Indigenous people who suffered the prolonged impacts of dispossession. Exciting new voices have reclaimed Australian law to deliver justice to the Stolen Generations and to families who have experienced institutional and police racism. Contributors have shown how judicial officers can use their power to challenge systemic racism and tell the stories of Indigenous people who have been dehumanised by the criminal justice system. The new judgments are characterised by intersectional perspectives which draw on postcolonial, critical race and whiteness theories. Several scholars have chosen to operate within the parameters of legal doctrine. Some have imagined new truth-telling forums, highlighting the strength and creative resistance of Indigenous people to oppression and exclusion. Others have rejected the possibility that the legal system, which has been integral to settler-colonialism, can ever deliver meaningful justice to Indigenous people.

Abingdon, Oxon: New York: Routledge, 2021. 343p.

By Corina Heri

Who is a vulnerable person in human rights law? This important book assesses the treatment of vulnerability by the European Court of Human Rights, an area that has been surprisingly under explored by European human rights law to date. It explores legal-philosophical understandings of the topic, providing a theoretical framework that can be used when examining the question. Not confining itself to the abstract, however, it provides a bridge from the theoretical to the practical by undertaking a comprehensive examination of the Court's approach under art. 3 ECHR. It also pays particular attention to the concept of human dignity. Well written and compellingly argued, this is an important new book for all scholars of European human rights. 

London: Hart Publishing, 2021. 264p.

Edited by Peter Wade, James Scorer and Ignacio Aguiló

Latin America’s long history of showing how racism can co-exist with racial mixture and conviviality offers useful ammunition for strengthening anti-racist stances. This volume asks whether cultural production has a particular role to play within discourses and practices of anti-racism in Latin America and the Caribbean. The contributors analyse music, performance, education, language, film and art in diverse national contexts across the region. The book also places Latin American and Caribbean racial formations within a broader global context. It shows that the region provides valuable opportunities for thinking about anti-racism, not least when recent political events worldwide have shown that, far from a 'post-racial' age, we are living in an era of intensified racist expression and racial injustice.

London: University of London Press, 2019. 232p.

By Maureen Washburn | Grecia Reséndez

In 2011, Governor Jerry Brown signed into law California Assembly Bill (AB) 109: the Public Safety Realignment Act. This bill significantly changed California’s criminal justice system as it allowed individuals with low-level offenses to be sentenced to county jail or placed on county probation instead of state prison and parole. The goal was to cut costs, reduce recidivism, and, above all, address inhumane and unconstitutional state prison overcrowding, which was claiming the lives of one imprisoned person every week (Brown v. Plata, 2011). To achieve this, the state began compensating counties for managing non-violent, non-serious, and non-sex-related cases at the local level. To support implementation, the state allocated a portion of the sales tax to a Local Revenue Fund through which a number of large grant programs would flow. In Fiscal Year 2022 – 23, the state disbursed more than $8 billion through this fund, with $2 billion of this amount — the equivalent of more than 1% of California’s state budget — given to counties for AB 109 programs (Controller, 2024).

This paper examines AB 109 funding, including how counties report data, the amount given to law enforcement, and strategies for boosting oversight of this critical funding stream. We conclude that AB 109 reporting is unsystematic, allowing critical planning and spending decisions to go unscrutinized. For example, ambiguous reporting makes it difficult to analyze how much funding is allocated to various law enforcement programs, behavioral health services, or community-based options. In the same vein, we highlight counties with the most inconsistent reports and raise concerns around roll-over funds and allocations to for-profit corporations. We also offer examples of grant programs with more transparent reporting, which can serve as models for AB 109. Finally, we provide recommendations to ensure all AB 109 funds are serving the public interest.

Our examination of AB 109 funding finds:

• County plans are cursory, offering little information about how funds are being spent.

• Counties report spending data inconsistently, making it difficult to track budgets over time or to compare across counties.

• The state asks far less of counties when implementing AB 109 than it does for other, much smaller, funding programs.

• Absent oversight and accountability, counties may mismanage AB 109 funds.

• Law enforcement agencies receive the vast majority of AB 109 funds despite significant declines in jail and probation populations.

San Francisco: Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice, 2024. 12p.

By Ion Meyn

Between 1880 and 1915, the Southern criminal legal system enslaved and re-enslaved legally emancipated Black persons. Under the conventional account of this period, the law facilitated and legitimatized these practices, however odious and racially discriminatory. This view—one that critiques as it accepts the legality of the system—provides an explanation for a significant number of cases in which a Black person was convicted and sent to forced labor.

And yet, there is growing evidence that many convictions were not facilitated by law but rather the result of criminal conspiracies to traffic Black victims. County-level arrest data indicates “convictions” occurred in lockstep with the labor demands of businesses that contracted with local state actors. Numerous personal accounts from victims and their families indicate that arrests occurred in the absence of any criminal suspicion. This empirical data suggests many Black “convicts” were instead victims of human trafficking. Because completing these White-on-Black crimes required coordination among multiple parties, a criminal conspiracy was formed that implicated White participants in kidnapping, false imprisonment, perjury, peonage, reckless endangerment, and reckless homicide.

This Essay examines archival evidence that suggests the criminal trafficking of Black men was a common, if not widespread, practice between 1880 to 1915. Under this alternative view the term “convict leasing” is over-inclusive and mislabels these victims of human trafficking. Under the alternative view the historical Black crime rate is not only inflated but fabricated; conversely, the historical White crime rate omits a significant amount of criminal activity. This alternative view centers the criminal conduct of White beneficiaries, inviting a close accounting of their crimes and ill-gotten gains.

Univ. of Wisconsin Legal Studies Research Paper No. 1803

Wisconsin Law Review (2024), Forthcoming

By Bronwyn Carlson, Madi Day, Terri Farrelly

This report presents findings from a research project that aimed to determine 'what works' in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander healing programs across the nation that respond to family violence, as perceived and experienced by the people who deliver, utilise and are impacted by such programs. It also aims to specifically investigate the availability of such programs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander LGBTQIASB+ people, and those with disability.

In addition, it includes a focus on how such programs engage with clients when person-to-person contact is not possible, particularly in light of situations like the COVID-19 pandemic which occurred during the implementation of this project.

The premise of the project is that family violence in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities is a result of colonialism, that healing responses are a key approach to addressing family violence, and that such responses should target those who have perpetrated family violence, as well as those who have experienced it.

The report is based on qualitative research with workers and clients of healing programs that respond to family violence from across Australia.

Key recommendations include the need to establish auspicing relationships between mainstream organisations and community-controlled healing programs, the need for programs to be designed and led by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, and the need for professional qualifications and standards to be designed to recognise the value of lived expertise and community connection.

Australia's National Research Organisation for Women's Safety, 2024. 86p.

By The Independent Broad-based Anti-Corruption Commission (Vic)\

When IBAC identifies areas of concern indicating possible systemic problems, they conduct a thematic review. This involves an analysis of a series of reviews on a specific theme or topic and usually results in a report identifying systemic and emerging issues for Victoria Police.

IBAC regularly assesses and refers allegations of excessive use of force to Victoria Police where it is considered that Victoria Police is the more appropriate body to conduct the investigation. IBAC reviews some of these investigations once they are completed.

Incidents where Victoria Police officers have allegedly misused OC spray have attracted media attention and public concern in recent years. In some cases, alleged victims have taken legal action against Victoria Police.

IBAC has investigated specific cases of use of force including the use of OC spray in Operations Henty and Boyne. The use of force by Victoria Police officers is an ongoing focus for IBAC.

Key findings:

• IBAC identified issues with all 15 investigations reviewed and found that nine investigations were not of the expected standard. IBAC’s reviews also indicated that some Victoria Police officers consider that using OC spray is a ‘low level’ type of force.

• This was evident by the actions of officers during incidents, the classification of complaints involving the use of OC spray as ‘minor misconduct’, and the standard of most internal investigations that examined these incidents.

By European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA)

Racism in the police can include discriminatory racial profiling practices through to excessive use of force. Incidents like these highlight deeper systemic issues that need addressing. Many in society are affected by racism in policing, not only the individuals or communities targeted. Lack of trust in policing can fuel social exclusion and damages the foundations of a fair and equal society, however promising practices are developing to address these issues. This is the first EU-wide report on racism in policing. FRA’s findings identify gaps in regulatory frameworks and propose concrete steps for action.

Vienna, FRA, 2024. 116p.

By Matteo Vergani, Barbara Perry, Joshua Freilich, Steven Chermak, Ryan Scrivens, Rouven Link, Daniel Kleinsman, John Betts, Muhammad Iqbal

Background

The difficulties in defining hate crime, hate incidents and hate speech, and in finding a common conceptual basis constitute a key barrier toward operationalisation in research, policy and programming. Definitions disagree about issues such as the identities that should be protected, the types of behaviours that should be referred to as hateful, and how the ‘hate element’ should be assessed. The lack of solid conceptual foundations is reflected in the absence of sound data. These issues have been raised since the early 1990s (Berk, 1990; Byers & Venturelli, 1994) but they proved to be an intractable problem that continues to affect this research and policy domain.

Objectives

Our systematic review has two objectives that are fundamentally connected: mapping (1) original definitions and (2) original measurement tools of hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents and surrogate terms, that is, alternative terms used for these concepts (e.g., prejudice-motivated crime, bias crime, among many others).

Search Methods

We systematically searched over 19 databases to retrieve academic and grey literature, as well as legislation. In addition, we contacted 26 country experts and searched 211 websites, as well as bibliographies of published reviews of related literature, and scrutiny of annotated bibliographies of related literature.

Inclusion Criteria

This review included documents published after 1990 found in academic literature, grey literature and legislation. We included academic empirical articles with any study design, as well as theoretical articles that focused specifically on defining hate crime, hate speech, hate incidents or surrogate terms. We also reviewed current criminal or civil legislation that is intended to regulate forms of hate speech, hate incidents and hate crimes. Eligible countries included Canada, USA, UK, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Australia and New Zealand. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (1), they had to contain at least one original definition of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. For documents to be included in relation to research objective (2), they had to contain at least one original measurement tool of hate speech, hate incidents or hate crimes, or any surrogate term. Documents could be included in relation to both research objectives.

Data Collection and Analysis

The systematic search covered 1 January 1990 to 31 December 2021, with searches of academic databases conducted between 8th March and 12th April 2022 yielding 35,191 references. We carried out country-specific searches for grey literature published in the same time period between 27th August and 2nd December 2021. These searches yielded a total of 2748 results. We coded characteristics of the definitions and measurement tools, including the protected characteristics, the approaches to categorise the ‘hate element’ and other variables. We used univariate and bivariate statistical methods for data analysis. We also carried out a social network analysis.

Main Results

We provide as annex complete lists of the original definitions and measurement tools that met our inclusion criteria, for the use of researchers and policy makers worldwide. We included 423 definitions and 168 measurement tools in academic and grey literature, and 83 definitions found in legislation. To support future research and policy work in this area, we included a synthetic assessment of the (1) the operationalisability of each definition and (2) the theoretical robustness and transparency of each measurement tool. Our mapping of the definitions and measurement tools revealed numerous significant trends, clusters and differences between and within definitions and measurement tools focusing on hate crime, hate speech and hate incidents. For example, definitions and measurement tools tend to focus more on ethnic and religious identities (e.g., racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia) compared to sexual, gender and disability-related identities. This gap is greater in the definitions and measurement tools of hate speech than hate crime. Our analysis showed geographical patterns: hate crime definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from Anglophonic countries, especially the USA, but hate speech definitions and measurement tools are more likely to originate from continental Europe. In terms of disciplinary fragmentation, our social network analysis revealed that the collaboration and exchange of conceptual frameworks and methodological tools between social sciences and computer science is limited, with most definitions and measurement tools clustering along disciplinary lines. More detailed findings are presented in the results section of the report.

Authors' Conclusions

There is an urgent need to close the research and policy gap between the protections of ‘ethnic and religious identities’ and other (less) protected characteristics such as gender and sexual identities, age and disability. There is also an urgent need to improve the quality of methodological and reporting standards in research examining hate behaviours, including transparency in methodology and data reporting, and discussion of limitations (e.g., bias in data). Many of the measurement tools found in the academic literature were excluded because they did not report transparently how they collected and analysed the data. Further, 41% of documents presenting research on hate behaviours did not provide a definition of what they were looking at. Given the importance of this policy domain, it is vital to raise the quality and trustworthiness of research in this area. This review found that researchers in different disciplinary areas (e.g., social sciences and computer science) rarely collaborate. Future research should attempt to build on existing definitions and measurement tools (instead of duplicating efforts), and engage in more interdisciplinary collaborations. It is our hope that that this review can provide a solid foundation for researchers, government, and other bodies to build cumulative knowledge and collaboration in this important field.

Campbell Systematic Reviews, 

28 April 2024

Christina Dunbar-Hester

"Hacking Diversity: The Politics of Inclusion in Open Technology Cultures" delves into the complex dynamics of diversity within the realm of open technology. The book critically examines the challenges and opportunities surrounding inclusivity, offering insights into how diversity can be effectively navigated and embraced in these fast-paced, innovation-driven environments. Through a blend of research, analysis, and real-world case studies, this book serves as a valuable resource for individuals and organizations seeking to cultivate more diverse and inclusive open technology cultures.

PRINCETON. PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS. 2020. 283p.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

DARYL CUMBER DANCE

"Long Gone: The Mecklenburg Six and the Theme of Escape in Black Folklore" delves into the harrowing true story of six Black men wrongfully accused of a crime they did not commit. Through meticulous research and powerful storytelling, the book explores the historical context of escape within Black folklore and its significance in the lives of the Mecklenburg Six. This poignant narrative sheds light on the endurance, resilience, and unwavering spirit of individuals fighting for justice and freedom in the face of oppression. A compelling and thought-provoking read that resonates long after the final page is turned.

The University of Tennessee Press. KNOXVILLE. 1987. 197p.

Maisha T. Winn

"Girl Time: Literacy, Justice, and the School-to-Prison Pipeline" delves into the intersection of education, gender, and criminalization of young girls. Through insightful analysis and real-life stories, the book explores how literacy can be a tool for empowerment and resistance against the systemic injustices that push girls from schools into the juvenile justice system. A must-read for educators, policymakers, and anyone interested in fostering a more equitable educational landscape for all students.

Columbia University New York and London. Teachers College Press. 2011. 187p.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

SUSAN CHANDLER AND JILL B. JONES

FROM the cover: : Casino Women Is A Pioneering Look At The Female Face Of Corporate Gaming. Based on extended interviews with maids, cocktail waitresses, cooks, laundry workers, dealers, pit bosses, managers, and vice presidents, the book describes in compelling detail a world whose enormous profitability is dependent on the labor of women assigned stereotypically female occupations-making beds and serving food on the one hand and providing sexual allure on the other. But behind the neon lies another world, peopled by thousands of remarkable women who assert their humanity in the face of gaming empires' relentless quest for profits.”

L.R/CORNELL PAPERBACKS. Cornell UniversityPress. 2011. 218p.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

BY JOHN ASHTON

Introductory: “Difference between Gaming and Gambling-Universality and Antiquity of Gambling-Isis and Osiris-Games and Dice of the Egyptians-China and India-The Jews-Among the Greeks ancl Romans-Among Mahometans Early DicingDicing in England in the r3th and 14th Centuries--In the r7th Century-Celebrated Gamblers-Bourchier-Swiss Anecdote Dicing in the 18th Century.”

LONDON. DUCKWORTH & CO. 3 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, W.C. 1898. 297p.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

BY Andra Medea AND Kathleen Thompson

INTRODUCTION: “There are a number of reasons not to read this book: you have never been raped; you know it will never happen to you; if it did, you know you'd never be able to remember what to do or how to defend yourself; you'd rather not think about the possibility of being raped; you or someone you know has been raped, and you want to forget about it. These are precisely the reasons you should read this book. Rape, and our society's attitude toward rape, affects every woman in this country. No woman, whether or not she has ever felt threatened by an actual rape, can ignore the problem.

FARRAR, STRAUS AND GIROUX: NEW YORK. 1974. 136p.

HO, BIANCA; DOYLE, KIERAN

From the document: "Pro-Palestine demonstrations involving students in the United States have nearly tripled from 1 to 26 April compared with all of March, ACLED [ [Armed Conflict Location and Event Data]] data show [...]. New York has been one of the main student protest battlegrounds since the Israel-Palestine conflict flared up in and around Gaza last October, and the arrest of more than 100 students at Columbia University in New York around 18 April heralded a new wave of campus demonstrations."

ARMED CONFLICT LOCATION & EVENT DATA PROJECT. 2 MAY, 2024. 5p.