By Global Witness

Honduras, a country rich in natural resources and cultural diversity, struggles against poverty and environmental degradation: it is the third poorest country in Latin America and the second poorest in Central America. Poverty is much more acute in a rural context, so forested areas largely coincide with the poorest ones1. The country is well suited to forestry practices, and 41.5% of its territory is currently covered with forests2. However, decades of agricultural colonisation and the expansion of cattle ranching have resulted in extensive deforestation and related environmental degradation, most notably the deterioration of water resources and soil erosion. In a country that is prone to hurricanes and flooding, environmental degradation worsens the impact of these natural disasters. Severe governance failure in the Honduran forest sector is threatening the country’s largest protected area, the UNESCO-accredited Man and the Biosphere Reserve of Río Plátano (hereafter the Río Plátano Biosphere), and the people living in and around it. Corruption at the highest level and a complete lack of accountability have led to environmental destruction and undermined the rights of local people and their efforts towards sustainable forestry. This report makes the case for greater national and international efforts to strengthen forest governance and the rule of law. It is based on Global Witness’ on-the ground research, interviews with key actors and a review of existing official documents and other sources of information. It aims to: (i) document, expose and analyse this case, (ii) identify lessons that can be learned in Honduras and elsewhere and (iii) present a series of recommendations for the various parties involved, in particular the Institute of Forest Conservation and Development (ICF), which is the new Honduran forest authority created by the Forest Law approved on 13 September 2007c.

Washington, DC: Global Witness, 2009. 40p.

By Jeffrey R. Vincent

Discrepancies in bilateral trade statistics for forest products have recently attracted attention as potential indicators of illegal trade practices. For example, if exporters understate quantities to evade export taxes or quotas, then one might expect reported exports to be less than reported imports. Discrepancies in trade statistics can exist for reasons that have nothing to do with illegal activities, however, such as measurement error and shipment lags. Any attempt to infer evidence of illegal activities from statistical discrepancies must control for these other explanations. The author estimates the discrepancies between reported imports and exports for bilateral flows of sawnwood traded by Romania and other European countries. The author also examines whether these discrepancies reflect illegal activities by the traders. The mean discrepancy for sawnwood exported by Romania during 1982-97 was significantly different from zero for coniferous sawnwood but not for nonconiferous sawnwood. Yet the sign of the discrepancy for coniferous sawnwood-reported exports tended to be greater than reported imports-implies that illegal trade activities were more likely occurring in Romania's trading partners than in Romania. An econometric analysis of bilateral trade statistics for Romania and other European countries finds evidence that measurement error, shipment lags, and intentional underreporting all play a role in explaining discrepancies for both types of sawnwood. The econometric model is not sufficiently reliable, however, for estimating the portion that was due solely to illegal activities or determining whether those activities occurred primarily in Romania or in its trading partners. Moreover, given that it is based on observed discrepancies in bilateral trade statistics, it fails to detect illegal trade activities that occur simultaneously in both importing and exporting countries. For these reasons, econometric methods appear unlikely to be of practical use in revealing illegal trade activities in the Romanian forest sector.

Washington, DC: World Bank, 2004. 43p.

By Arnoldo Contreras-Hermosilla

This paper looks at the evidence on the magnitude and impacts of forest illegal acts, examines the vulnerabilities of the forest sector, and proposes a strategy for combating forest crime. Forest crime prominently includes illegal logging but acts against the law also affect other sector operations such as forest products transport, industrial processing, and trade. Almost universally, criminal exploitation of forest products and commerce prevail as large amounts are unlawfully harvested, traded against regulations in domestic markets or smuggled across borders, often with the willing participation of corrupt forest service officials and border police. Illegal activities do not stop at the forest. They travel down the line to operations related to transportation, national and international trade of forest products. A particular form of illegal forest activity, corruption, has come to the forefront of the international debate on forests and is now being openly discussed in various fora because of the increasing awareness of the immense costs associated with it. In this paper, corrupt deeds are illegal actions that:(i) engage public officials; (ii) involve public property and power; (iii) are perpetrated for private gain; (iv) are intentional acts; and (v) are surreptitious. Illegal activities are main threat to global resources. A wide variety of illegal acts, including, among others, illegal logging, illegal trade, arson and unauthorized occupation of forestlands, take place in all kinds of forests, in developing and industrialized economies. Often illegal activities are associated with corruption, involving the willing participation of government officers, usually in complicity with parties of the private sector, in schemes to abuse public property. Illegal acts generate a number of undesirable economic impacts, harm the environment and the most vulnerable sectors of society. To conclude, the improvement of the policy and legislative framework and the proper enforcement of the law may be the most important issue in the future management of forest resources worldwide.

Washington, DC: World Bank, 2002. 61p.

By Duncan Brack and Gavin Hayman

This report presents a brief overview of the range of options for intergovernmental action to help combat illegal logging and trade in illegal timber and forest products. Actions by individual producer and consumer governments could be complemented by international collaboration. Many of the options listed could be phased; and are also not mutually exclusive.

London: Royal Institute of International Affairs , 2001. 28p.

By Krystof Obidzinski, Agus Andrianto, and Chandra Wijaya

Over the last few years, illegal logging has been at the center of policy debates about the current state and future prospects of Indonesia’s forestry sector. To a significant extent, the policy dialogues as well as public understanding of the illegal logging problem have been influenced by the timber establishment’s view that clandestine timber smuggling is responsible for illegal logging activities in the country. Echoing this sentiment, the Indonesian government has been at odds with neighboring countries Malaysia and Singapore over their perceived lack of cooperation in stemming the illegal flow of Indonesian timber across the border and thus helping to rein in illegal logging. At the same time, timber smuggling has become the focus of forest law enforcement operations in Indonesia. This paper scrutinizes the assumption that timber smuggling is at the core of the illegal logging problem in Indonesia. Taking the border zone between Indonesia and Malaysia on the island of Borneo (Kalimantan) as a sample unit of analysis and complementing it with data from other parts of Indonesia, the paper shows the intensity of timber smuggling was relatively high between 2000 and 2003, but has since declined by over 70%. Despite this decline, illegal logging in Indonesia still continues at a rate of approximately 40 million m3 per year. It seems clear that timber smuggling is not the primary driver of illegal logging in Indonesia. Instead, the core of the problem is the extraction of timber by Indonesian forest concession holders, plantation developers, road construction companies and other ventures that abuse company permits and violate prevailing forestry regulations.

Bogor, Indonesia: Center for International Forestry Research, 2006. 46p.

By Luca Tacconi. Krystof Obidzinski. and Ferdinandus Agung

Illegal logging is a cause for widespread concern. It has negative environmental impacts, results in the loss of forest products used by rural communities, creates conflicts, and causes significant losses of tax revenues that could be used for development activities. The Nature Conservancy and World Wide Fund for Nature developed the Alliance to Promote Certification and Combat Illegal Logging in Indonesia to respond to the concern about illegal logging. The Alliance is a three-year initiative that aims to: 1. Strengthen market signals to expand certification and combat illegal logging, 2. Increase supply of certified Indonesian wood products, 3. Demonstrate practical solutions to achieve certification and differentiate legal and illegal supplies, 4. Reduce financing and investment in companies engaged in destructive or illegal logging in Indonesia, 5. Share lessons learned from the project. The Alliance seeks to learn lessons from its ongoing work to inform and adapt its activities, as well as to inform other initiatives seeking to address similar problems. This report is part of this lessons learning process. This report assesses the situation in Indonesia, including a quantitative estimation of illegally produced logs, discusses the causes of illegal logging, and describes the national and international policy and trade context. Then, it considers the work undertaken by the Alliance to address illegal logging in Indonesia; it summarizes the strategy of the Alliance, describes its rationale, and assesses the assumptions underlying the rationale and the objectives. Finally, it summarizes the progress made by the Alliance towards achieving its goal, highlights the lessons that can be learnt from the work in progress, and provides recommendations for the Alliance.

Bogor, Indonesia: Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR). 2004. 88p.

By Duncan Brack, Kevin Gray and Gavin Hayman

This report examines the means by which the international trade in illegally logged timber and wood products can be controlled - in other words, how importing/consuming governments might establish and operate a system for denying market access to timber and wood products produced and exported illegally. This can be seen as a way of adding value to producer country enforcement actions, by establishing a system aiming to deny markets to the illegal products that are exported. Although the report does not deal with other options for controlling illegal logging, it should be borne in mind that in many producer countries, reform of domestic laws and regulations dealing with forest crimes and related activities will be an essential prerequisite for the successful implementation of the options listed below. In some circumstances it may be helpful to make disbursement of development assistance conditional on improvements in forest law and governance.

London: Chatham House, 2002. 73p.

Edited by Daniela Kleinschmit, Stephanie Mansourian, Christoph Wildburger, Andre Purret

Illegal logging and associated timber trade constitute complex and serious challenges for the international community. Various resolutions and decisions on this topic have been passed at the highest levels of international diplomacy, and several UN bodies have been directed to assist in fighting environmental crime. Against this background, IUFRO was mandated by the Collaborative Partnership on Forests (CPF) to undertake a scientific assessment on the topic of illegal logging and related timber trade in the framework of the Global Forest Expert Panels (GFEP) initiative. GFEP responds to key policy questions related to forests by assessing and synthesizing available scientific evidence at a global scale. Assessment reports, prepared by internationally-recognized scientists from around the world, aim to provide decision-makers with the most up-to-date, relevant, objective and accurate scientific information on key issues of high concern in a comprehensive, interdisciplinary and transparent way. In order to capitalize on existing political momentum, the topic of illegal logging and associated timber trade was taken up as a “rapid response” assessment, aiming to complete the scientific report in less than one year’s time. This report entitled “Illegal Logging and Related Timber Trade – Dimensions, Drivers, Impacts and Responses” reflects the rich, yet finely nuanced results of this collaborative international scientific effort. The report synthesizes the many facets of illegality affecting forests and people, including the various definitions of illegal forest activities. Based on available scientific evidence, the report gives an overview of the markets, actors, wood flows and supply chains involved in illegal timber trade. It discusses the impacts of illegal logging and related timber trade across various situations of production and consumption, as well as the drivers behind these illegal activities. The report also presents related governance frameworks and response options, including an analysis of the latest global initiatives to combat illegal timber trade. One particularly novel aspect contained in the report is a criminological analysis of organized forest crime with suggestions from timber forensics. This assessment and the accompanying policy brief provide an authoritative source of information for policymakers and stakeholders involved in the fight against illegal logging and associated timber trade, and it is my sincere hope that they will support effective action in tackling this pressing global problem.

Vienna: International Union of Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO), 2016 . 148p.

By William M. Rhodes, Elizabeth P. Allen and Myfanwy Callahan

The literature review revealed that the causes, methods, and perpetrators of illegal timbering differ depending on the economies, societies, ecologies, and legal institutions where logging occurs. To provide a way to simplify and organize this diversity, this report develops a market-based description of present day trade in illegal timber, focusing on the economic and political structures that create the environment and provide the incentives that make illegal logging possible and profitable. Four dominant patterns of economic and political structures (see Table 1 in the report) characterize illegal logging across nations and over time: • Enforcement / Rule of Law • Enforcement / No Rule of Law • Some Enforcement / No Rule of Law • No Enforcement / No Rule of Law This market-based description does not explain everything about the crime, but it nevertheless provides a useful device for organizing the literature and presenting a coherent story about the logging, milling and trafficking of illegal timber.

Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates, 2006. 58p.

By Environment Investigation Agency (EIA)

Our new report BAN-BOOZLED: How Corruption and Collusion Fuel Illegal Rosewood Trade in Ghana reveals how despite a comprehensive ban in place since March 2019, the dry forests and rural communities of Ghana are still the victims of rosewood plundering. EIA estimates that since 2012, over 540,000 tons of rosewood – the equivalent of 23,478 twenty-foot containers or approximately 6 million trees – were illegally harvested and imported into China from Ghana while bans on harvest and trade have been in place. EIA’s investigation documents a massive institutionalized timber trafficking scheme, enabled by high-level corruption and collusion.

New York: London: Environmental Investigation Agency, Inc. 2019. 16p.

By Environmental Investigation Agency, Inc. (EIA).

The illegal trade in precious “rosewoods” is the world’s most valuable form of wildlife crime. Hundreds of people have been killed around the world trying to protect these rare trees from the gangs seeking to profit from the rapidly growing demand for luxury furniture in China. Having decimated most rosewood species in Southeastern Asia and Central America, this rapacious industry has now turned to Africa, and a dry forest species called “kosso” (Pterocarpus erinaceus) . EIA’s investigators have spent two years exploring this booming illegal trade, including undercover meetings with more than 30 actors in the supply chain, from the arid forests in Nigeria to the sophisticated retail shops in China. Our investigation reveals that almost all the kosso coming from and through Nigeria for the past three years has been illegal. Most shockingly, EIA’s investigation has revealed that thousands of documents from the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) have been used in contravention of the core objectives of the Convention.

London: Environmental Investigation Agency, Inc. 2017. 40p.

By Cynthia Ratsimbazafy, David J. Newton and Stéphane Ringuet

Madagascar is home to hundreds of endemic rosewood Dalbergia and ebony Diospyros timber species, many of which are in high demand, particularly in Asia, because of their attractive appearance and highly durable properties for carving into furniture and other household items. At least 350,000 trees were illegally felled inside protected areas and at least 150,000 tonnes of logs illegally exported to destinations including China, Malaysia and Mauritius over the five-year period, according to the study: Timber Island: The Rosewood and Ebony Trade of Madagascar. The lack of regulation was compounded by additional factors including widespread poverty, corruption, poor species identification skills at point of harvest and deficient knowledge about timber resources and led to rampant, unregulated felling of precious timber species.

Cambridge, UK: TRAFFIC, 2016. 144p.

By Teagan McGinnis, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira and David Shirk

Justice in Mexico has released its latest working paper titled Analyzing the Problem of Femicide in Mexico by Teagan McGinnis, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira, and David Shirk. This study examines the patterns of violence against women in Mexico, with special attention to the problem of femicide. While national homicide data show that the proportion of female homicide victims in Mexico has stayed largely the same for decades, the authors demonstrate that the elevated rate of homicides throughout the country has contributed to a large increase in the total number of female homicide victims. Because many homicides targeting women have distinctive characteristics—such as sexual violence, intimate partners, or other factors attributable to the woman’s gender—they have been legally codified as “femicides,” murders targeting women due to their gender.

The authors explore the question of why both the number and proportion of femicides has increased dramatically since national level data became available in 2015. Since prosecutors play a key role in determining whether a crime will be classified as either a homicide or femicide, the authors specifically evaluate the effects of state level prosecutorial capacity on the reporting of such crimes. The authors compiled an original dataset of state prosecutorial budgets and levels of homicidal violence (by gender and by state) and used both means testing and linear regression models to assess differences between states with special prosecutors and those without, while controlling for the level of homicidal violence across states. In terms of qualitative methods, the authors also compiled federal and state laws to examine differences in criminal and administrative laws and conducted interviews with state prosecutors and security experts.

The authors find statistically significant evidence that states that have special prosecutors for the investigation of femicides are substantially more likely to classify female homicides as femicides. Indeed, appointing a special prosecutor for gender-related crimes increases the investigation of femicide cases by 50% on average, even controlling for levels of homicidal violence in those states. These findings illustrate the impact of recent prosecutorial reforms in Mexico and offer useful insights for policy makers and activists working to combat violence against women in Mexico. Informed by the novel findings in this study, the authors recommend that Mexican states lacking special prosecutorial offices for the investigation and prosecution of femicides should create such units, and that all states should provide more resources and prosecutorial tools for the investigation and prosecution of gender-motivated crimes.

Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2022. 33p.

By Allepandro Bernales, Diether Beuermann, Douglas Cumming. and Christiaan Olid

Relatively little is known about the effects of blue-collar crime (theft, robbery, vandalism or arson) on financial decisions. Previous literature has focused its attention either on 'regional' crime rates or the 'perception' of crime as business obstacles. Instead, we examine financing terms of 'individual' firms that 'effectively' experimented blue-collar crime events. We show that blue-collar crime worsens the access and conditions to external financing, which is unexpected since firms do not have to reveal to lenders that they suffered such crime incidents. We also find evidence that firm-information leakages may explain the negative effects of blue-collar crime on financing terms.

Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2022. 785p.

By Jorge M. Agüero

About half of Peruvian women between the ages of 15 and 49 have experienced some form of violence from their partners. Through a quantitative analysis, this report explores how violence rates against women vary by ethnic group and over time. Based on a nationally representative sample of more than 75,000 women surveyed between 2003 and 2012 and a review of the literature on ethnic classification in Peru, a typology is applied to measure ethnicity, based on women’s linguistic backgrounds, allowing for a consistent ethnic characterization throughout the period of analysis. In this typology, the first group is made up of women who speak an indigenous language at home and do not speak Spanish. A second group, called “historic” Spanish speakers, is composed of women who learned Spanish during childhood and still use it today, while the third group, called “recent” Spanish speakers, includes women who grew up speaking an indigenous language but now speak Spanish. The highest rate of all types of violence is found in this last group, with a much greater difference in sexual and severe physical violence. This is consistent with the predictions of the theoretical model developed in this study in which violence depends on the type of couple. The model finds that women who speak “recent” Spanish—and who have what is termed a lower “outside option” than their “historic” Spanish-speaking male partners—experience greater violence. The study found that the gap in rates of violence against women among these three language groupings has remained constant over time despite an overall reduction in violence. This shows that current policies to provide care for victims and prevent violence against women are insufficient because the policies do not necessarily target groups with a greater risk of violence. This is unlike other areas of public health, where interventions are directly targeted at the most vulnerable populations

Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2018. 43p.

By Ben Coetzee and Riana Horn

Due to the importance of the precious metals mining industry and the continuous criminal threat to the industry, the Chamber of Mines of South Africa approached the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) to investigate the occurrence of theft and various related issues. The statistical information this project is based on was provided by the mining sector and is for the period January 2000-December 2004. Some of the mining houses have implemented orientation workshops to explain what type of employee conduct constitutes a crime and the importance of reporting crime. It was therefore important to test the perceptions of employees in the industry to ensure that these workshops are effective. Despite advancements in crime detection and prevention technology, transgressions are nonetheless common at most mines and processing plants. The precious metals mining industry is still not capable of determining exactly how much product is lost during processing phases, leaving a window of opportunity for theft and corruption. Reliable crime reporting is critical to determining the extent of the criminal threat facing the precious metals mining industry. Although most mines have developed processes to record and manage crime-related information, the methods used by the police and the mining industry are not standardised for efficient analysis purposes. It became evident during interviews conducted for the study that there is a general perception in the mining industry that most stolen product sold on the black market ends up in some organised illegal business or syndicate. It is presumed top-level syndicate members, who supply organised criminal dealers, dispose of the largest volume of stolen product. Statistics recorded on identified syndicates may therefore reflect the most reliable magnitude of losses suffered when it comes to approximating the extent of precious metals theft in South Africa.

Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2007. 140p.

By David Kamweti, Deborah Osiro and Donald A. Mwiturubani

An environmental crime can be defined as a grave act against the environment that results in the infringement of the right of citizens to a clean and healthy environment. For such an act to constitute a crime, it must contravene laid-down legislation in the various sectors of the environment, such as forestry, water and wildlife. Environmental offences have, for a long time, been treated as misdemeanours, and not felonies. Environmental crime is a serious and growing concern, leading to the near extinction of valuable wildlife species, and significantly impacting on the biological integrity of the planet. It contributes to environmental degradation, which in turn affects the quality and quantity of environmental resources. By doing so, it leads to unhealthy competition for these scarce resources, and subsequently to volatile situations and even resource-use conflicts. As such, environmental crime impacts on human livelihoods.

Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2009. 96p.

By Chandre Gould

In this monograph, readers will meet some of the men who are responsible for violent crime in South Africa. The narratives presented here are based on interviews with men who have been incarcerated for murder, robbery and rape. These accounts show that the foundation for their criminal careers was laid early in their lives and compounded by their experiences of loss, abuse and alienation. Readers are taken on a journey through their lives to understand why crime in South Africa is so violent, and what needs to be done to prevent it.

Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2017. 144p.

By Financial Action Task Force (FATF)

The aim of this project is to study one specific sport which could reveal money laundering schemes that may also be occurring in other sports. As one of the largest sports in the world, football1 was chosen. Both professional and amateur football were to be examined. Although the scale of vulnerabilities to money laundering is potentially different, risks in both areas were considered likely to be similar.

Paria: FATF, 2009. 42p.

By Marc Fabel and Helmut Rainer

This paper quantifies how much of violent crime in society can be attributed to football-related violence. We study the universe of professional football matches played out in Germany’s top three football leagues over the period 2011-2015. To identify causal effects, we leverage time-series and cross-sectional variation in crime register data, comparing the number of violent crimes on days with and without professional football matches while controlling for date heterogeneity, weather, and holidays. Our main finding shows that violent crime increases by 21.5 percent on a match day. In the regions and time period under consideration, professional football matches explain 8 percent of all violent assaults, and generate social costs of roughly 194 million euros. Exploring possible mechanisms, we establish that the match day effect cannot be explained by emotional cues stemming from either unsettling events during a match or unexpected game outcomes, nor is it driven by increases in domestic violence. Instead, we find that the match day effect can be attributed to violence among males in the 18-29 age group, rises to almost 70 percent on days with high-rivalry derby matches, and that a non-negligible share of it stems from violent assaults on police officers. These findings are inconsistent with frustration-aggression theories that can explain sports-related violence in the United States, but can be accommodated by social identity explanations of football hooliganism.

Munich: CESifo, 2021. 40p.