By T. Markus Funk

Determining an offender’s criminal culpability is an evergreen challenge. It demands a careful blending of the offender’s moral responsibility for the crime and the offense’s identifiable harmful impacts on its individual victims and on society. Far from a mere abstract or occasional theoretical exercise, this process represents a critical iterative stage before charges can be filed, findings of legal guilt rendered, or sentences imposed.

Prosecutors, judges, and other participants in the criminal justice system manage millions of criminal cases a year. In each instance, they must grapple with the weighty responsibility of determining an offender's criminal accountability and blameworthiness. The decisions made in these deliberations have profound real-world consequences. They affect not only individual cases but also influence broader societal morality and cohesion. Indictments are issued, guilty verdicts pronounced, prison sentences handed down, and punishments justified based on these intrinsically imprecise and largely retrospective assessments.

This Article contends that the current mainstream approach to criminal culpability takes an unnecessarily narrow view. More specifically, it argues that criminal conduct involves two distinct forms of injury to the victim. One form of injury, physical or emotional harm to victims, is widely acknowledged. However, the other form, the wronging by imposing unequal standing on the victim, has been unjustly overlooked, with significant societal implications.

Our current failure to properly account for the antisocial self-elevation inherent in almost all crimes as a separate and distinct injury has significant implications. It prevents us from accurately describing the crime that was committed, the offense’s full spectrum of adverse impacts on the victim and society, or why a particular punishment is appropriate. More importantly, a justice system that fails to effectively protect our equal standing and associated legal interests virtually ensures that the erosion of the rule of law will soon follow.

Reevaluating how we define and publicly articulate criminal culpability holds the promise of positive real-world impacts. By more effectively communicating the full extent of an offender’s injury to a victim and society, we materially enhance criminal punishment’s crucial expressive, evaluative, descriptive, and conduct-directing objectives. From a systemic perspective, the proposed victim-centric approach advances the justice system’s ability to foster the equality-supporting civic bonds and shared social norms essential for a thriving society.

By: Ximena Canal Laiton

LGBTIQ+ people on the move in Latin America can face significant risks of targeted violence and discrimination related to their sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression. This paper explores the experiences of LGBTIQ+ individuals travelling towards the United States from Latin America and the Caribbean. Data was gathered in Tijuana, Monterrey and Mexico City (Mexico) through the 4Mi project between September 2023 and March 2024.

Findings are based on 474 in-person surveys, with 131 LGBTIQ+ individuals and 343 non-LGBTIQ+ individuals to compare their migration experiences, along with 15 interviews with LGBTIQ+ migrants and key informants.

Highlights

LGBTIQ+ phobia, discrimination and violence: a driver for migration

LGBTIQ+ individuals often migrate to escape discrimination and violence related to their sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC).

LGBTIQ+ phobia and violence on the migration route

Nearly all LGBTIQ+ individuals surveyed (98% of 131 respondents) indicated a high or very high level of exposure to risks related to their sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC).

91% of LGBTIQ+ respondents surveyed (119 of 131 respondents) said they experienced some form of LGBTIQ+ phobic incident themselves during their migration, mainly in Mexico and Guatemala.

Attacks against trans-women migrants were reported as relatively frequent by interviewees. They also said that attacks sometimes culminate in transfemicide or attempted transfemicide.

Surveyed trans women reported more frequent experiences of social discrimination than other LGBTIQ+ respondents.

Disparity in Perpetrators of Violence

Organised crime: LGBTIQ+ respondents identified members of organised crime groups as primary perpetrators of abuse to a far greater extent (73%) than the non-LGBTIQ+ group (42%).

Migrant perpetrators: While 38% of LGBTIQ+ respondents reported other migrants as the main perpetrators, only 5% of the non-LGBTIQ+ control group did the same. This difference can be attributed to the widespread presence of LGBTIQ+ phobia across diverse groups, including among migrants themselves.

Self-protection strategies

The two most common self-protection strategies reported by LGBTIQ+ respondents were careful planning of journeys and keeping in regular contact with friends and family.

Safe Space and other needs

LGBTIQ+ migrant interviewees and key informants stressed that access to safe spaces and shelters is essential for the protection of life and dignity of LGBTIQ+ individuals on the migration route. Psychological support is also a pressing necessity.

Methodology

Quantitative data was based on 474 in-person surveys conducted with individuals in transit in Mexico towards the United States. This included 131 individuals who identified as LGBTIQ+ and 343 individuals who didn’t. This allowed to draw comparisons between the migration experiences of the two groups.

Qualitative data was collected through 15 semi-structured interviews in Mexico: eight interviews with LGBTIQ+ migrants and seven with key informants from organisations that assist LGBTIQ+ migrants and refugees.

Geneva, SWIT: Mixed Migration Centre, 2024. 24p.

By Olivia Brown , Laura G. E. Smith, Brittany I. Davidson, Daniel Racek, and Adam Joinson

Psychological theories of mobilization tend to focus on explaining people’s motivations for action, rather than mobilization (“activation”) processes. To investigate the online behaviors associated with mobilization, we compared the online communications data of 26 people who subsequently mobilized to right-wing extremist action and 48 people who held similar extremist views but did not mobilize (N = 119,473 social media posts). In a three-part analysis, involving content analysis (Part 1), topic modeling (Part 2), and machine learning (Part 3), we showed that communicating ideological or hateful content was not related to mobilization, but rather mobilization was positively related to talking about violent action, operational planning, and logistics. Our findings imply that to explain mobilization to extremist action, rather than the motivations for action, theories of collective action should extend beyond how individuals express grievances and anger, to how they equip themselves with the “know-how” and capability to act.  

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 1–20, 2024.  

By Sarah J. Jackson

Shifting understandings and ongoing conversations about race, celebrity, and protest in the twenty-first century call for a closer examination of the evolution of dissent by black celebrities and their reception in the public sphere. This book focuses on the way the mainstream and black press have covered cases of controversial political dissent by African American celebrities from Paul Robeson to Kanye West. Jackson considers the following questions: 1) What unique agency is available to celebrities with racialized identities to present critiques of American culture? 2) How have journalists in both the mainstream and black press limited or facilitated this agency through framing? What does this say about the varying role of journalism in American racial politics? 3) How have framing trends regarding these figures shifted from the mid-twentieth century to the twenty-first century? Through a series of case studies that also includes Eartha Kitt, Sister Souljah, and Mahmoud Abdul-Rauf, Jackson illustrates the shifting public narratives and historical moments that both limit and enable African American celebrities in the wake of making public politicized statements that critique the accepted racial, economic, and military systems in the United States.

New York; London: Routledge, 2014. 218p.

By Katie N. Johnson

The early drama of Eugene O’Neill, with its emphasis on racial themes and conflicts, opened up extraordinary opportunities for Black performers to challenge racist structures in modern theater and cinema. By adapting O’Neill’s dramatic writing—changing scripts to omit offensive epithets, inserting African American music and dance, or including citations of Black internationalism--theater artists of color have used O’Neill’s texts to raze barriers in American and transatlantic theater. Challenging the widely accepted idea that Broadway was the white-hot creative engine of U.S. theater during the early 20th century, author Katie N. Johnson reveals a far more complex system of exchanges between the Broadway establishment and a vibrant Black theater scene in New York and beyond to chart a new history of American and transnational theater.  In spite of their dichotomous (and at times problematic) representation of Blackness, O’Neill’s plays such as The Emperor Jones and All God’s Chillun Got Wings make ideal case studies because of the way these works stimulated traffic between Broadway and Harlem—and between white and Black America. These investigations of O’Neill and Broadway productions are enriched by the vibrant transnational exchange found in early to mid-20th century artistic production. Anchored in archival research, Racing the Great White Way recovers not only vital lost performance histories, but also the layered contexts for performing bodies across the Black Atlantic and the Circum-Atlantic.

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2923.  271p.

By Nick Gill, Nicole Hoellerer, Jessica Hambly, Daniel Fisher

Appeals are a crucial part of Europe’s asylum system but they remain poorly understood. Building on insights and perspectives from legal geography and socio-legal studies, this book shines a light on what takes place during asylum appeals and puts forward suggestions for improving their fairness and accessibility. Drawing on hundreds of ethnographic observations of appeal hearings, as well as research interviews, the authors paint a detailed picture of the limitations of refugee protection available through asylum appeals. Refugee law can appear dependable and reliable in policy documents and legal texts. However, this work reveals that, in reality, myriad social, political, psychological, linguistic, contextual and economic factors interfere with and frequently confound the protection that refugee law promises during its concrete enactment. Drawing on evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy and the United Kingdom, the book equips readers with a clear sense of the fragility of legal protection for people forced to migrate to Europe. The book will appeal to scholars of migration studies, legal studies, legal geography and the social sciences generally, as well as practitioners in asylum law throughout Europe and beyond.

Oxford: New York: Routledge, 2024.

Edited by Dunkel, Mario and Schiller, Melanie

This book focuses on the role of popular music in the rise of populism in Europe, centring on the music-related processes of sociocultural normalisation and the increasing prevalence of populist discourses in contemporary society. In its innovative combination of approaches drawing from (ethno)musicology, sociology, and political science, as well as media and cultural studies, this book develops a culture-oriented approach to populism. Based on shared research questions, an original theoretical framework and a combination of innovative methodologies that pay attention to the specific socio-historical contexts, taking into account musical material as well as processes of reception, the five chapters in this volume offer detailed analyses of the nexus of popular music and populism in Hungary, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Germany. All of these countries have seen a marked increase in populist parties and discourses over the last years, as well as significant interactions between populism and popular music. This book will be essential reading for those investigating popular music as a crucial aspect in the study of populism as a cultural phenomenon in Europe. 

London; New York: Routledge, 202

By Parker Gilkesson

Health care, food, secure housing, and a livable wage are basic human needs. And seeking the help you need to succeed is a statement of human dignity and justice. However, coded language, dog-whistling, and racist stereotypes have reinforced the lie that folks receiving public benefits are exaggerating how poor they really are and that they are likely committing fraud. People experiencing poverty, particularly people of color, have routinely been profiled and policed, leading to higher rates of arrests and fines due to minor offenses. Over-policing and criminalization of people experiencing poverty and hunger also shows up in public benefit programs, including the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP).

At a minimum, those who receive public benefits are forced to endure intrusive questioning, public scrutiny of food choices, and even surprise visits to their homes. However, charges of fraud can lead to disqualification from public benefits and even jail time. This brief will explore the damage of criminalizing hunger through charging SNAP recipients with Intentional Program Violations (IPVs). The report concludes with a list of equitable, anti-racist solutions that shift the focus from fraud and program integrity to dismantling systemic, historical, and structural inequities that exacerbate hunger, while at the same time trusting SNAP recipients to know what’s best for their families.

Of course, no program can survive if it does not take abuses seriously. However, when actions taken in the name of improving program integrity have a strong negative and racially skewed impact on public perceptions of the program, policymakers have a moral obligation to first determine whether those actions achieve their stated goals and then look for less harmful ways to fight fraud. They also must repair the harm these actions have inflicted on innocent recipients’ dignity and trust in government.

Historically, anti-hunger advocates have been afraid to criticize the negative consequences of the focus on “program integrity” and its disproportionate impact on people of color for fear of being accused of defending fraud or legitimizing racist tropes. The reality is that we must properly discuss and address fraud, program integrity, and the over-policing of people experiencing poverty or “aporophobia” to achieve policies that reflect equity, trust, and truth instead of mistrust, mistreatment, and systemic oppression.

Washington DC: CLASP, 2022. 26p.

By Hilary Pilkington

The book uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at EDL events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement's public image and activists' own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL, and themselves, as 'not racist, not violent, just no longer silent' inter alia through the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined group. In contrast activists perceive themselves to be 'second-class citizens', disadvantaged and discriminated by a 'two-tier' justice system that privileges the rights of 'others'. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing 'loud and proud'; the only way of 'being heard' in a political system governed by a politics of silencing. Unlike most studies of 'far right' movements, this book focuses not on the EDL as an organisation - its origins, ideology, strategic repertoire and effectiveness - but on the individuals who constitute the movement. Its ethnographic approach challenges stereotypes and allows insight into the emotional as well as political dimension of activism. At the same time, the book recognises and discusses the complex political and ethical issues of conducting close-up social research with 'distasteful' groups.

Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2016. 328p.

By Lu Dong, Jennifer Bouey, Grace Tang, Stacey Yi, Douglas Yeung, Rafiq Dossani, June Lim, Yannan Li, Steven Zhang

Since the onset of the coronavirus pandemic, Asian American communities have faced a new wave of anti-Asian hate throughout the United States. Given diverse communication channels that are clustered by ethnicity, language preferences, and immigration generations within Asian American populations, there is a pressing need for culturally and linguistically appropriate strategies to raise awareness of available services to address anti-Asian hate. Community-based organizations (CBOs) play a crucial role in this regard, but they require tailored strategies to effectively reach and support Asian American communities. The authors conducted a community survey in Los Angeles (LA) and New York City (NYC) to provide CBOs that serve Asian and Asian American communities with important insights to enhance outreach and support strategies, ensuring that these strategies are accessible and effectively meeting the needs of community members who are affected by anti-Asian discrimination and violence.

Key Findings

• Among survey respondents, who were mostly from Chinese, Korean, and Thai ethnic groups, 37 percent of participants reported experiencing an anti-Asian hate incident; rates were similar in LA and NYC.

• English-speaking respondents, younger (18–24 years old) respondents, and respondents from higher income brackets were more likely to report experiencing an anti-Asian hate incident.

• About 61 percent of respondents indicated that they would report a hate incident to the police, and 61 percent would also seek help from CBOs that provide support services to hate-crime victims. Only 37 percent of respondents would use local community service numbers (211 or 311), and 13 percent indicated that they would not take any action. First-generation immigrants were more likely to take actions than were later generations.

• Major barriers to reporting incidents include language issues, lack of time, and lack of awareness of available resources. Approximately 45 percent of participants were unaware of community-based resources available to address anti-Asian hate; there were more-significant knowledge gaps in LA than in NYC.

• Despite most Asian Americans appreciating community-based counter-hate-incident services — such as medical support and counseling — actual use rates were low.

• Respondents from later immigrant generations (1.5, second, and third or later generations) reported more barriers and expressed more concerns about seeking support from CBOs after experiencing anti-Asian hate incidents.

Recommendations

• Strengthen services to meet the needs of members of two Asian American subgroups who might need more-tailored outreach and support: English-speaking later generations of Asian Americans who have more exposure to discrimination and older adults who might have difficulty recognizing and expressing their experiences of racism.

• Leverage close family ties and use diverse linguistic and cultural social media platforms to enhance outreach and information dissemination about anti-hate resources at CBOs.

• Empower first-generation community influencers to enhance outreach.

• Enhance CBOs' policy advocacy through strengthened data collection.

Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2024,

By Meka Beresford , The Alliance for Racial Justice 

This paper draws on the knowledge exchanged at a series of roundtable events held by the Alliance of Racial Justice in April 2024, to form recommendations on strengthening the ability to challenge and end institutional racism. It takes a look at existing equality legislation – namely the Equality Act 2010 – and calls on government to make updates to this key part of the UK’s commitment to tackle racism in public bodies.

London: Action for Race Equality, 2024. 16p.

By Emily M. Farris, Mirya R. Holman

Background: During the COVID-19 crisis, sheriffs across the country vocally refused to implement mask mandates.

Objectives: In this note, we argue that resistance to mask mandates emerged out of successful efforts to recruit sheriffs into right-wing extremism (RWE) and its foundations in white supremacy, nativism, and anti-government extremism.

Methods: We draw on upon historical analysis and a national survey of sheriffs

Results: We show how RWE movements recruited sheriffs and that a substantial share of sheriffs adopted RWE attitudes. We argue that this radicalization of county sheriffs primes them to resist a core component of federalism: mandates by supra governments. We identify a relationship between sheriffs. RWE attitudes and their resistance to enforcing COVID-19 mask mandates.

Conclusion: Our work demonstrates the importance of considering the implications of violent extremism in the United States, particularly as it aligns with local law enforcement.

Social Science Quarterly, Volume104, Issue2 March 2023, Pages 59-68

May Contain Markup

By Charles Richmond Henderson

Purpose: The book aims to provide an elementary introduction to the study of dependents, defectives, and delinquents, focusing on their nature, condition, and social relations.

Theoretical and Practical: It combines theoretical discussions on the phenomena with practical approaches for social conduct, institutions, and organizations aimed at betterment, alleviation, and correction.

Principles and Methods: Emphasizes the importance of principles and general laws in philanthropy and social work, advocating for systematic approaches rather than ad-hoc solutions.

Observation and Experience: Stresses the need for personal observation and experience in understanding and addressing social issues, supported by statistical data and expert interviews.

D.C. Heath & Company, 1906, 397 pages

By Heidi Beirich, Wendy Via

The decision by multiple social media platforms to suspend or remove ex-American President Donald Trump after he incited a violent mob to invade the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, was too little, too late. Even so, the deplatforming was important and it should become the standard for other political leaders and political parties around the world that have engaged in hate speech, disinformation, conspiracy-mongering and generally spreading extremist material that results in real-world damage to democracies.  

 Montgomery, AL: The Global Project Against Hate and Extremism. 2021  33p

By The United Nations Development Programme  

The surge in violent extremism in sub-Saharan Africa undermines hard-won development gains and threatens to hold back progress for generations to come. The need to improve understanding of what drives violent extremism in Africa, and what can be done to prevent it, has never been more urgent. Sub-Saharan Africa has become the global epicenter of violent extremist activity. Worldwide deaths from terrorism have declined over the past five years, but attacks in this region have more than doubled since 20161. In 2021, almost half of all terrorism-related deaths were in sub-Saharan Africa, with more than one-third in just four countries: Somalia, Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali. Violent extremism (VE) has also spread to other parts of the continent, such as Mozambique, and is having a devastating impact on lives, livelihoods, and prospects for peace and development. This is despite an astounding wealth of endogenous resilience manifested by local communities across the continent, who have been at the forefront of prevention and innovative practices of building everyday peace in uncertain times. These dramatic shifts in violent extremist activity from the Middle East and North Africa to sub-Saharan Africa have garnered relatively little international attention in a world reeling from the impacts of an escalating climate crisis, increasing authoritarianism, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the war in Ukraine. The surge in violent extremism in sub-Saharan Africa undermines hard-won development gains and threatens to hold back progress for generations to come. The need to improve understanding of what drives it in Africa, and what can be done to prevent it, has never been more urgent. The United Nations Secretary-General’s 2021 report, Our Common Agenda, stresses the importance of an evidence-driven approach to address development challenges. In 2017, UNDP published a groundbreaking study, Journey to Extremism in Africa: Drivers, Incentives and the Tipping Point for Recruitment. This established a robust evidence base on the drivers of violent extremism, with important implications for policy and programming. As a major output of UNDP’s multi-year Programme on Preventing and Responding to Violent Extremism in Africa (2015-2022), the 2017 study informed and shaped UNDP’s approach across the continent, as well as its programming at national and regional levels. Based on the personal testimonies of former members of VE groups and a reference group of individuals living in similar at-risk circumstances, the 2017 study revealed the amalgam of macro-, meso- and microlevel factors driving violent extremism in Africa, as well as sources of resilience that can prevent its spread. It concluded that effective responses to violent extremism require a multifaceted, development-focused approach, with development actors uniquely placed to address the structural drivers. It also highlighted the very localized and fast-changing nature of violent extremism, underscoring the importance of regular research to understand the evolution of its drivers and dynamics. Importantly, the 2017 study put in stark relief the question of how counter-terrorism and wider security functions of governments in at-risk environments conduct themselves about human rights, due process, and sensitivity to context. It thus underlined the United Nations 2016 Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism, which acknowledged that the traditional “single-minded focus only on security measures and an utter disregard for human rights have often made things worse.”  Despite the clear lessons on the limitations and risks of state-alone security-driven responses to violent extremism, militarized approaches have continued to predominate in sub-Saharan Africa over the past five years. Within the region, resources have increased for an array of multi-country military coalitions set up to conduct counter-terrorism operations. The international architecture for counter-terrorism has also expanded with the creation of more dedicated mechanisms, despite the limited evidence that such security-driven militarized responses, by themselves, would be effective in contributing to sustainable peace, security and stability. Indeed, despite more than a decade of security-driven responses underpinned by huge international investment, VE groups have extended their reach and impact markedly in the Sahel region and elsewhere on the African continent. Against this backdrop of the surge in violent extremism in sub-Saharan Africa, and the continued prioritization of security-driven responses, UNDP initiated a follow-up study, Journey to Extremism in Africa: Pathways to Recruitment and Disengagement in 2020. The research was developed to strengthen and refine the evidence base established in 2017, as well as to update and expand the scope of the research, tracking variations about the findings of the first report. The objectives were to further analyze the changing nature of violent extremism in sub-Saharan Africa and take stock of efforts to prevent its spread since the 2017 study. In addition to analyzing the drivers, ‘tipping points’, and accelerators affecting recruitment to VE groups, the new research also explores pathways away from extremism. The second edition of the Journey to Extremism research focuses on eight countries across sub-Saharan Africa: Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia and Sudan. It reflects the life journeys of 2,196 interviewees, three times as many respondents as in the 2017 study. This includes over 1,000 former members of VE groups, both individuals who joined voluntarily and those who were forcibly recruited. Importantly, the sample also includes a significantly higher number of female interviewees (552). While more research is required on the experiences of women and girls about violent extremism, the gender-disaggregated findings of this study shed light on women’s and men’s divergent pathways to recruitment. The report presents the interview data about the changing nature of violent extremism in sub-Saharan Africa and efforts to address it, providing a complementary analysis of the broader international policy context, trends in aid flows, and responses to violent extremism. 

New York: UNDP, 2023. 158p.

Edited by Eveline Gutzwiller-Helfenfinger, Hermann J. Abs, and Kerstin Göbel

This interdisciplinary volume on The Challenge of Radicalization and Extremism: Integrating Research on Education and Citizenship in the Context of Migration addresses the need for educational researchers to place their work in a broader social and political context by connecting it to the current and highly relevant issue of extremism and radicalization. It is just as important for researchers of extremism and radicalization to strengthen their conceptual links with educational fields, especially with education for democratic citizenship, as for researchers in education to get more familiar with issues of migration. This book meets a current shortage of research that addresses these issues across subjects and disciplines to inform both scientific and professional stakeholders in the educational and social sectors. The volume is divided into three parts. The first part, Foundations, provides fundamental research on radicalization and the rejection of democratic values. In the second part, Analysis of Preconditions within the Educational Context, key risk and protective factors against radicalization for young people are explored. Finally, the third part, Approaches for Prevention and Intervention, offers concrete suggestions for prevention and intervention methods within formal and informal educational contexts. The contributions show how new avenues for prevention can be explored through integrating citizenship education’s twofold function to assimilate and to empower.

Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2022. 380p.

Edited by Linda Schlegel and Rachel Kowert

Charting the increase in the use of games for the dissemination of extremist propaganda, radicalization, recruitment, and mobilization, this book examines the "gamification of extremism." Editors Linda Schlegel and Rachel Kowert bring together a range of insights from world-leading experts in the field to provide the first comprehensive overview of gaming and extremism. The potential nexus between gaming and extremism has become a key area of concern for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners seeking to prevent and counter radicalization and this book offers insights into key trends and debates, future directions, and potential prevention efforts. This includes the exploration of how games and game-adjacent spaces, such as Discord, Twitch, Steam, and DLive, are being leveraged by extremists for radicalization, recruitment, and mobilization. Additionally, the book presents the latest counterterrorism techniques, and surveys promising preventing/countering violent extremism (P/CVE) measures currently being utilized in the gaming sphere, and examines the ongoing challenges, controversies, and current gaps in knowledge in the field. This text will be of interest to students and scholars of gaming and gaming culture, as well as an essential resource for researchers and practitioners working in prevention and counter-extremism, professionals working at gaming-related tech companies, and policymakers.

New York; London: Routledge, 2024. 235p.

Edited by Juline Beaujouan, Véronique Dudouet, Maja Halilovic-Pastuovic, Johanna-Maria Hülzer, Marie Kortam, and Amjed Rasheed  

This book examines the actors that shape societal dynamics leading to, or preventing, violent extremism from taking root in their communities, including state representatives, religious institutions, and civil society actors. The volume contributes to an emerging stream of research focusing on intra- and inter-group dynamics to explain the emergence and persistence of, or resilience against, violent extremism. It utilizes an actor-centric approach, uncovering the landscape of actors that play relevant roles in shaping societal dynamics leading to, or preventing, violent extremism affecting their communities. The analysis builds on new empirical evidence collected in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia, Iraq, Lebanon, and Tunisia. This allows for an innovative comparative perspective on two regions in the European neighborhood that are rarely studied together, even though they seem to share common patterns of (de-) radicalization and violent extremism despite their distinct historical, political, and cultural trajectories and relations with the EU. In both regions, the book analyses the roles of and interactions between state, political, religious, and civil society actors in shaping community vulnerability to and/or resilience against violent extremism. Different types of community leaders are equipped with varying levels of authority, trust, legitimacy, and influence over community members. As such, the categories of actors analyzed can play either detrimental or beneficial roles, which makes vulnerability and resilience to violent extremism two sides of the same coin. This volume will be of much interest to students of countering violent extremism, terrorism, political violence, security studies, and International Relations generally.

London; New York: Routledge, 2024. 227p.

By Matías Braun,  Francisco Gallego,  Rodrigo R. Soares

This paper explores the effects of upgrading deteriorated public squares on economic and social outcomes. We implemented an experiment whereby public squares were randomly selected to be renovated in 28 fragile neighborhoods of the metropolitan area of Santiago, Chile. We find that, after the intervention, households in treated neighborhoods increased their use and maintenance of public space and experienced an increased sense of ownership over their neighborhoods. Treated neighborhoods also experienced improvements in public security both in the public square and in the neighborhood. There is also evidence of an impact on trust and participation in community organizations and a reduction in leisure outside the neighborhood. The results are stronger in neighborhoods with low initial levels of public security but with relatively higher initial levels of social capital. We find that certain physical features (the presence of public lighting, the presence of a close public transportation stop, and the absence of economic activities related to alcohol consumption) affect the strength of the treatment. All these suggest that the effect of upgrading public spaces is highly dependent on other characteristics of local communities. JEL: K42, O18, R53 Keywords: public space recovery, crime, social capital, urban infrastructure

IZA Discussion Papers, No. 16269, Bonn:  Institute of Labor Economics (IZA), 2023. 48p.

By Transform Justice

Hate crime is a growing problem in England and Wales, highlighted by the Home Office’s Annual Statistical Bulletin which reported 155,841 hate crimes recorded by police in the year ending March 2022, this is a 26% increase compared to 2020-21.1 This reflects a year-on-year rise since 2013 and demonstrates the need to use new interventions to drive real behaviour change in offenders. However, it should be noted that an increase in public awareness of hate crime alongside improved police recording means that it can be difficult to definitively determine the cause of the increase, but rather a number of factors leading to this. Out of Court Disposals2 (OOCDs) are a method of resolution for an offence, designed to reduce re-offending by enabling restorative justice and giving offenders an opportunity to take responsibility for their behaviour through education, before they find themselves in the formal Criminal Justice System (CJS). They also offer victims a chance to see some resolution to their case even if they do not wish for it to be dealt with in a formal setting. There are a number of different forms an OOCD can take, however all may only be considered in situations where the offender is known and admits guilt of their offence. They are typically used in cases where the offending is deemed to be lower-level. In 2022, the National Police Chiefs Council (NPCC) published its Out of Court Disposals (Resolutions) National Strategy.3 This strategy highlighted that the CJS cannot address vulnerability solely through prosecution. Instead, a sophisticated, whole-system approach is needed to give policing the capacity to make professional decisions and access a range of services in partnership such as early intervention pathways, OOCDs and where necessary, prosecution. Over the past nine years, there has been a growing evidence base that, for acquisitive and violent crime, early intervention (such as Turning Point4, CARA5 and Checkpoint6) as part of a conditional caution can reduce reoffending. However, the evidence is minimal with regards to hate crime interventions as its application is limited through the OOCD framework. In 2014, three police forces (West Yorkshire, Staffordshire and Leicestershire) were given dispensation to use OOCDs for hate crime during a tri-force pilot of a simplified two-tier framework, designed to be easier for practitioners to implement and the public to understand.7 However, there was no specific rehabilitative intervention commissioned and the total number of offenders given OOCDs were low in all three forces, particularly for hate crime which only represented 1% of the total offences. This meant that it was not possible to draw statistically robust conclusions around reoffending rates. Existing interventions for hate crime tend to be targeted at more serious offenders, carried out post-conviction on a one to one basis and last for several months. Since the start of the 2014 pilot, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has adjusted its guidance to allow for the use of OOCDs in relation to hate crime and domestic abuse8, however statutory guidance states that issuing a conditional caution is “unlikely to be appropriate where the offence forms part of a pattern of offending”.9 A tri-force OOCD hate crime pilot with Avon and Somerset Police (A&S Police), West Midlands Police (WMP), and Hampshire and Isle of Wight Constabulary (HIOWC) was established in June 2021. All three police forces were given dispensation from the DPP to use conditional cautions for hate crime providing prescribed pre conditions (see Appendix 1) were met. RISE Mutual CIC10, a social enterprise which specialises in offender rehabilitative interventions, were commissioned via a procurement process to deliver a four session group intervention programme formerly known as Rise Against Hate, (from April 2023 this is now known as Perspective), for those who met the DPP OOCD hate crime criteria. It was envisaged that a high proportion of suitable offences for the proposed pilot would be of a public order nature, or involve minor assaults accompanied by the use of racist language towards figures of authority (police officers, door staff, store detectives) or individuals providing a service (ambulance crew, taxi drivers). These were deemed to be the most likely cases, where the victim often does not see the offence as serious enough to take the time to attend court, but at the same time, a meaningful sanction is desirable to protect victims who are providing a community service. Aims and objectives Aim: to develop and deliver a rehabilitative early intervention course specific to hate crime, commissioned by the three named forces (A&S Police, HIOWC and WMP) and offered at no cost to the offender. Objectives:  To increase the evidence base in the use of disposals in cases of hate crime  To increase victim satisfaction in hate crime outcomes  To reduce reoffending rates of hate crime  To better understand the demand profile for hate crime intervention and the processes surrounding this

London: Transform Justice, 2023.