By Albert Edward Wiggam. Introduction by Colin Heston.

Albert Edward Wiggam’s The Fruit of the Family Tree (1924) occupies a distinctive place in the intellectual landscape of early 20th-century America, where science, social reform, and cultural optimism converged. Wiggam, a prominent science writer and lecturer, sought to popularize the principles of heredity and evolution for a general audience, framing them as tools for personal and societal improvement. His work reflects the era’s fascination with genetics and its implications for human progress—a fascination that often intersected with the controversial discourse of eugenics.

At its core, Wiggam’s book argues that the family is not merely a social institution but a biological continuum, transmitting physical, mental, and moral traits across generations. He contends that understanding these hereditary forces is essential for shaping character, guiding marriage choices, and fostering the “betterment” of humanity. This perspective resonated with contemporary movements advocating scientific approaches to social problems, yet it also raises critical questions about determinism, individual agency, and the ethical boundaries of applying biological principles to human affairs.

Historically, The Fruit of the Family Tree emerged during a period of optimism about science’s capacity to engineer progress. The rediscovery of Mendelian genetics and the rise of evolutionary psychology fueled public interest in heredity, while the eugenics movement—then regarded by many as progressive—sought to apply these insights to improve population quality. Wiggam’s writings, widely read and influential, exemplify this cultural moment: they blend scientific exposition with moral exhortation, urging readers to consider the long-term consequences of their choices for future generations.

Upon its publication, The Fruit of the Family Tree was warmly received by a public eager for accessible scientific knowledge. Wiggam’s engaging style and ability to translate complex biological concepts into practical advice made him a popular figure on the lecture circuit and in print. The book was praised for its clarity and its alignment with contemporary ideals of progress and rational planning. Many readers embraced its message as a guide to responsible parenthood and social improvement.

However, the legacy of Wiggam’s work is more complex. While his writings contributed to the popularization of genetics and the notion of “scientific living,” they also reinforced ideas that later came under ethical scrutiny. His advocacy of selective breeding and emphasis on hereditary “quality” aligned with mainstream eugenics discourse, which would eventually be discredited due to its association with coercive policies and discriminatory practices. Today, scholars view Wiggam’s work as emblematic of a historical moment when optimism about science blurred into prescriptive social engineering.

Despite these controversies, The Fruit of the Family Tree remains significant as a cultural artifact. It illuminates the interplay between science and social ideals in the early 20th century and invites reflection on the enduring tension between biological determinism and human freedom. In revisiting Wiggam’s text, modern readers confront not only the aspirations and anxieties of a bygone era but also the cautionary lessons about the ethical use of scientific knowledge in shaping human destiny

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. p.234.

By Robert C. Olby

From the cover:

"At last, a book about genetics has been written as a science to be reckoned with. Mr. Olby, a librarian of the Cotany School, Ixford, England, has written the whole story with remarkable ease. The text has a clarity which is not found too often in a book of this kind. This is partly because of the excellent notes and bibliography at the end of each chapter. The appendixes give further proof that a book such as this has never been written before-the work cited in each chapter is quoted as originally written by the scientists doing the work in this complicated field." -Library Journal

"Significant contribution to the history of genetics.... After reading this account, one cannot but have greater esteem and appreciation for Mendel as a scientist, a mathematician, a keen observer, and a keeper of careful records. The work and lives of the early hybridists are included in an informing manner with many accounts.... A large appendix includes original findings and writings of the early hybridists. ...Laymen as well as geneticists will appreciate this book." -Choice

Copyright © 1966, 1966 by Robert C. Olby. Schocken. 1967. 209p.

by Rudolf Diesel (Author), Graeme R. Newman (Translator)

When Rudolf Diesel published Solidarismus: Natürliche wirtschaftliche Erlösung des Menschen in 1903, he was already celebrated as the inventor of the internal combustion engine that bore his name. Yet behind the engineer stood a man deeply troubled by the social consequences of industrial capitalism. He had seen firsthand the paradox of modernity: machines producing abundance while workers lived in misery.
By Rudolf Diesel. Translated from the German by Graeme R. Newman (assisted by ChatGTP)

Diesel’s Solidarism was his attempt to resolve this contradiction. It was neither Marxist nor anarchist, nor a conventional liberal reform. Instead, Diesel proposed a peaceful, cooperative, and disciplined movement in which ordinary workers, artisans, and families would pool resources into “People’s Treasuries.” From these would grow “Beehives”—productive cooperatives where every member shared in ownership and security. Over time, he envisioned these federating into a global network that could replace the inequities of capitalism with solidarity, justice, and peace.
The book attracted attention in Europe as an unusual hybrid of social thought, moral appeal, and engineering pragmatism. Diesel stressed repeatedly that he was not a professional economist but an inventor who felt compelled to seek “the natural economic redemption of mankind.” Some reviewers praised his sincerity and practical outlook; others dismissed him as a dreamer outside his field.
Socialists noted that Diesel rejected class struggle, revolution, and expropriation, favoring instead disciplined self-help and gradualism. Conservatives criticized his call for economic transformation beyond private capitalism. For both sides, Diesel seemed too unorthodox to embrace fully, but impossible to ignore. Diesel diagnosed the dangers of unregulated capitalism—inequality, insecurity, global rivalries—that remain urgent today. He envisioned cooperative economics, community-based security, and international solidarity long before these became mainstream topics.
In an era of global climate crisis, technological upheaval, and renewed questions about justice, Diesel’s voice speaks with surprising clarity. He insists that no technical advance has value unless it serves humanity; that no society can survive when millions live in fear and want; and that solidarity, not competition, is the moral law of the future.
Of course, Diesel’s scheme of Treasuries and Beehives reflects its own time, with the language and structures of early-twentieth-century Germany. But behind the particulars lies a timeless conviction: that human beings can organize economic life around justice, security, and brotherhood. His call is not to tear down violently, but to build patiently—penny by penny, act by act, institution by institution—the foundations of a more humane order.
This English edition makes accessible, for the first time in a complete form, Diesel’s forgotten social manifesto. It allows modern readers to see him not only as an inventor of machines, but as a moral thinker wrestling with the human meaning of technology.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. . p.138.

By C. Raymond Beazley. Edited by Colin Heston

Prince Henry the Navigator: The Hero of Portugal and of Modern Discovery, 1394–1460 A.D. by C. Raymond Beazley is a scholarly and richly detailed biography that explores the life and legacy of Prince Henry of Portugal, a pivotal figure in the early Age of Exploration. Beazley’s work is more than just a biography—it’s a comprehensive historical study that places Prince Henry within the broader context of medieval geographical knowledge and the intellectual currents of Christian Europe. The book is structured to serve both as a narrative of Prince Henry’s life and as an account of the geographical and scientific progress that laid the groundwork for his achievements.

Though he never personally embarked on voyages, Prince Henry was instrumental in initiating and supporting expeditions along the West African coast. He established a navigation school at Sagres, where he gathered cartographers, sailors, and scholars to advance maritime knowledge. Beazley highlights the development of the caravel and other innovations that enabled longer and more efficient sea voyages. He also explores the political stability and ambition of Portugal under the House of Aviz, which made such exploration possible.

The book opens with a detailed preface and chapters that trace the evolution of geographical science from the Crusades onward, showing how medieval Europe’s understanding of the world set the stage for the Age of Discovery. Beazley combines rigorous scholarship with engaging storytelling, weaving together facts, anecdotes, and analysis to portray Prince Henry as a transformative figure in world history. Written in a formal, academic tone, the book is ideal for History enthusiasts, Students of medieval and early modern Europe and Scholars of exploration and maritime history.

It remains a valuable resource for understanding how one man’s vision helped launch Europe into a new era of global exploration.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 191p.

By Munroe Smith. Introduction by Colin Heston.

When Munroe Smith, the American jurist and scholar of comparative constitutional law, published Militarism and Statecraft in the early twentieth century, the world stood at a threshold. The balance of power in Europe was faltering, national ambitions clashed violently with the ideals of peace and progress, and the question of whether nations could master the destructive temptations of militarism was no longer abstract. It was a pressing reality. Smith’s concern was not simply with armies and weapons, but with the deeper political psychology that drives nations toward war. He sought to expose how the logic of militarism—discipline, hierarchy, and force—could infiltrate civil government, undermining the very statecraft that was supposed to serve reason, justice, and stability.

At the time of its writing, Smith was addressing the dangers of an era when Prussian militarism, the rivalries of empires, and the failure of diplomacy threatened the international order. His work can be read as both analysis and warning: a sober reflection on how the pursuit of military superiority can distort the priorities of states, drawing them away from long-term peace toward short-term domination. For Smith, the central challenge was not only to prepare adequately for defense but also to ensure that the military ethos did not overwhelm civil society and political judgment.

The value of these reflections is not confined to Smith’s age. In 2025, more than a century later, the tension between militarism and statecraft persists, albeit in new forms. The end of the Cold War did not usher in an era of lasting peace, but rather revealed the fragility of international institutions and the persistence of rival nationalisms. Today, the global order is marked by renewed great-power competition, particularly between the United States and China, alongside Russia’s continuing assertiveness in Europe. The conflicts in Ukraine, the South China Sea, and the Middle East remind us that the balance of deterrence and diplomacy remains unstable.

Moreover, the rise of advanced technologies—autonomous weapons systems, cyberwarfare, artificial intelligence in military planning, and the militarization of outer space—has created new arenas where Smith’s questions echo with urgency. If he warned against the creeping influence of military logic on the political state, how much more should we be concerned when the logic of algorithms and machine efficiency begins to shape the most consequential decisions of war and peace? The issue is no longer only about armies marching across borders but about invisible lines of code and satellites in orbit—yet the fundamental danger is the same: that the tools of defense become ends in themselves, driving state policy rather than serving it.

Smith also recognized that militarism poses a danger to the vitality of democratic institutions. In times of insecurity, citizens may surrender too readily to centralized authority, trading liberties for promises of safety. In 2025, as societies grapple with disinformation campaigns, rising authoritarianism, and deep political polarization, Smith’s warning acquires a renewed resonance. The militarization of politics—whether through expanded security states, the rhetoric of perpetual conflict, or the invocation of national emergency—remains a challenge to civic freedom.

What Smith offers, therefore, is not a simple rejection of military power but a call for balance. Statecraft requires prudence, restraint, and a recognition of the limits of force. True security, he suggests, cannot rest on militarism alone, for unchecked military logic corrodes the very foundations of peace. In 2025, as nations navigate the double-edged sword of military innovation and the uncertainty of a multipolar world, his insights invite us to reflect on the perennial dilemma: how can we cultivate security without letting the instruments of war dominate our political imagination?

To read Militarism and Statecraft today is to encounter a voice from another century that speaks to our own. It reminds us that the dilemmas of power, security, and diplomacy are not new, even as the technologies and actors change. Smith’s work urges us to see beyond immediate crises and to measure the costs of militarism not only in battles fought, but in the subtle ways it reshapes our societies, our freedoms, and our possibilities for peace. If the twenty-first century is to avoid the mistakes of the twentieth, it will be by heeding the balance that Smith demanded: a statecraft that governs militarism, rather than a militarism that governs the state.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 151p.

By H. G. Wells. Introduction by Colin Heston

In the wake of the Great War, H.G. Wells’s What Is Coming? A European Forecast emerges not merely as a speculative treatise but as a profound intellectual reckoning with the forces that have shaped—and will continue to shape—the modern world. Written in 1916, at a time when the outcome of the war remained uncertain and its consequences unfathomable, Wells offers a sweeping analysis of the social, political, and economic transformations that the conflict has set in motion. His introduction to the future is not a prophecy in the mystical sense, but a reasoned extrapolation grounded in scientific thinking, historical precedent, and a deep understanding of human nature. Wells does not seek to predict events with precision; rather, he aims to illuminate the trajectories of thought, governance, and collective behavior that will define the post-war era.

In What Is Coming?, Wells does not offer comfort or certainty. He offers clarity, urgency, and a challenge. The future, he insists, will not be shaped by treaties or conferences alone, but by the moral and intellectual evolution of individuals and societies. The war has torn away the veils of tradition and exposed the raw materials of a new world. Whether that world will be built with wisdom or squandered in renewed conflict depends on the choices made in its aftermath. Wells invites his readers to think boldly, act generously, and prepare not just for peace, but for the responsibilities that peace entails.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 177p.

By Jesse Frederick Steiner

In Community Organization, Jesse Frederick Steiner offers a pioneering exploration of how communities evolve, organize, and mobilize to meet collective needs. First published in 1925, this seminal work remains a cornerstone in the fields of sociology and social work, providing timeless insights into the dynamics of community life.

Steiner masterfully examines the interplay between economic forces, social institutions, and grassroots movements, tracing the development of key initiatives such as the playground movement, school-community centers, public health campaigns, and the rise of the American Red Cross. Through detailed case studies and philosophical reflections, he reveals how communities can transform from fragmented groups into cohesive, purpose-driven entities.

Whether you're a student of social sciences, a community leader, or simply passionate about civic engagement, Community Organization offers a rich, thoughtful framework for understanding and shaping the social fabric of our lives.

The Century Co. NY. London. 1825. 401p.

By Albert Kales (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Albert M. Kales’s Unpopular Government in the United States, published in 1914, is a searching and often unsettling examination of the American democratic system at a time when the country was undergoing profound political and social transformation. Kales, a legal scholar and reform advocate, wrote during the Progressive Era—a period marked by widespread concern over corruption, inefficiency, and the growing disconnect between the ideals of democracy and the realities of governance. His book is not a polemic but a carefully reasoned argument that seeks to understand why a government founded on popular sovereignty could become so alienated from the people it purports to serve. An important aspect of Kales’s reform agenda is his emphasis on civic education. He believes that a more informed electorate is essential to the health of democracy and calls for greater efforts to educate citizens about the workings of government and the responsibilities of citizenship. He also supports mechanisms such as the initiative and referendum, which allow citizens to bypass legislatures and enact laws directly, though he cautions that these tools must be used judiciously to avoid further complicating the political process.

Although Kales’s book did not become a staple of political science curricula, it has been periodically rediscovered by scholars interested in the history of democratic theory, administrative reform, and the Progressive movement. His insights into voter disengagement and the structural barriers to meaningful democratic participation have gained renewed relevance in contemporary discussions about democratic backsliding, political polarization, and the role of technocracy in modern governance. However, many of Kales’s core ideas continue to resonate in modern political systems, particularly in debates about democratic participation, judicial independence, and the role of expertise in governance.

By August Bebel (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

August Bebel’s Woman and Socialism is one of the most influential and enduring works in the history of socialist and feminist thought. First published in 1879 as Die Frau und der Sozialismus, the book represents a groundbreaking synthesis of Marxist theory and the struggle for women’s emancipation. Bebel, a co-founder of the German Social Democratic Party and a leading figure in the international socialist movement, sought to demonstrate that the liberation of women was not only compatible with socialism but essential to its realization. His work remains a foundational text for understanding the intersection of class and gender oppression, and it continues to resonate in contemporary debates about equality, labor, and social justice.

Woman and Socialism is not merely a critique; it is also a vision of transformation. Bebel outlines how a socialist society would fundamentally alter the conditions of women’s lives. In such a society, he argues, the means of production would be collectively owned, and both men and women would participate equally in productive labor. The state would assume responsibility for many of the functions traditionally relegated to women—such as childcare, education, and elder care—thus freeing women from the confines of domestic servitude. Marriage would become a voluntary and egalitarian union, based on mutual affection rather than economic necessity.

Bebel’s work is notable for its breadth and depth. He addresses a wide range of issues, including education, reproductive rights, prostitution, and the role of women in political movements. He also engages with contemporary debates within the socialist movement, challenging those who viewed the “woman question” as secondary or divisive. For Bebel, the emancipation of women is not a peripheral concern but a central pillar of socialist theory and practice. He argues that a society cannot be truly free or just if half its population remains oppressed. Bebel explores a wide range of themes that connect the struggle for women’s emancipation with the broader goals of socialism.

Bebel’s introduction itself serves as both a historical overview and a political manifesto. It invites readers to reconsider the roots of gender inequality and to imagine a future in which social and economic structures support, rather than hinder, human flourishing. Bebel’s synthesis of feminism and socialism was ahead of its time, and his insistence on the inseparability of class and gender struggles remains a powerful and relevant message. His work continues to inspire activists, scholars, and readers committed to building a more equitable world.

There are a number of editions and translations each edition slightly different. For example, sometime the title is written as Woman Under Socialism. The extensive use of tables of statistics also varies form one edition to another. This edition has been reformatted, designed, abridged and annotated with an Introduction by renowned novelist and story writer Colin Heston to remove errors and other distracting content that occurred in the original edition, making the book more accessible for the present day reader.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 359p.

By Allan L. Benson (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Allan L. Benson’s The Truth About Socialism is a bold and impassioned political manifesto that seeks to demystify socialism for the American public and to present it not as a foreign ideology or a utopian dream, but as a practical and necessary response to the injustices of early 20th-century capitalism. Written during a time of profound economic inequality, labor unrest, and political disillusionment, the book is both a critique of the existing capitalist order and a call to action for working-class Americans to reclaim their rightful share of the nation’s wealth and power. Benson is particularly effective in dismantling the myths and fears surrounding socialism. He anticipates the objections of his critics—those who equate socialism with tyranny, inefficiency, or the loss of individual freedom—and responds with clarity and conviction. He argues that true freedom cannot exist in a society where economic survival depends on the whims of employers and where political power is bought and sold by the wealthy. For Benson, socialism is not the enemy of liberty but its fulfillment: a system in which all people have the material security and democratic voice necessary to live freely and fully.

Benson's introduction to The Truth About Socialism sets the stage for a powerful and accessible exploration of socialist principles. It combines moral passion with analytical rigor, historical insight with political urgency. Benson’s work remains a compelling document of its time, reflecting the hopes and struggles of a generation seeking to build a more just and equitable society. It also continues to resonate today, as debates over inequality, labor rights, and the role of government in the economy remain as vital as ever.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 132p.

By William English Walling (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

William English Walling’s The Socialists and the War: A Documentary Statement of the Position of the Socialists of All Countries; With Special Reference to Their Peace Policy is a powerful and timely compilation that captures the ideological and political turmoil that gripped the international socialist movement during the First World War. Published in 1915, at the height of the global conflict, the book serves as both a historical record and a moral inquiry into how socialist parties and leaders across nations responded to the unprecedented crisis of global warfare. Walling, a prominent American socialist and journalist, undertakes the ambitious task of documenting the fractured responses of socialist organizations to the war, revealing both the strength and the fragility of international solidarity in the face of nationalism and militarism.
The introduction to this volume sets the tone for a work that is as much about disillusionment as it is about documentation. Walling begins by acknowledging the deep betrayal felt by many socialists when the war broke out and major socialist parties—particularly in Germany, France, and Britain—chose to support their respective national war efforts. This decision, in many cases, ran counter to the long-standing commitments of the Second International, which had pledged to oppose imperialist wars and to promote working-class unity across national borders. Walling does not shy away from the painful truth: that the war exposed the limits of internationalism and revealed the powerful grip of nationalism even within movements that had long claimed to transcend it.
A central theme of the book is the tension between socialist ideals and national loyalties. Walling presents a wide array of primary documents—speeches, party resolutions, manifestos, and editorials—that illustrate how socialist leaders justified their support for or opposition to the war. Some, like the German Social Democrats, argued that they were defending their nation against aggression; others, like the Russian Bolsheviks and a minority of Western European socialists, condemned the war as a capitalist enterprise and called for revolutionary opposition. Walling’s editorial voice is present throughout, guiding the reader through these conflicting positions and offering critical commentary on their implications.
Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 523p.

By William English Walling (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

William English Walling’s Socialism As It Is: A Survey of the World-Wide Revolutionary Movement is a landmark work in early 20th-century political thought, offering a penetrating and pragmatic analysis of the global socialist movement at a time when it was rapidly gaining momentum. Published in 1912, the book stands apart from many contemporary treatments of socialism by refusing to rely solely on abstract theory or ideological polemic. Instead, Walling grounds his analysis in the lived realities, organizational structures, and political strategies of socialist parties and labor movements across the world. His goal is not to speculate on what socialism might become, but to examine what socialism already is—how it functions, how it evolves, and how it interacts with the broader forces of capitalism, democracy, and industrial society.
From the outset, Walling makes clear that his focus is on the practical socialism of organized movements, not the utopian visions or doctrinal purity of theorists. He critiques both the uncritical idealism of some socialist writers and the dismissive caricatures offered by opponents of socialism. Instead, he insists that socialism must be understood through its actions—through the decisions made in party congresses, the resolutions passed by labor unions, and the policies pursued by socialist representatives in parliaments and municipalities. This empirical approach allows Walling to present socialism not as a monolith, but as a dynamic and multifaceted phenomenon, shaped by national contexts, historical contingencies, and internal debates.
Ultimately, Socialism As It Is is a work of both scholarship and advocacy. Walling writes with the conviction that socialism is not only a viable political force but a necessary one, capable of addressing the deep inequalities and instabilities of modern industrial society. Yet he is also clear-eyed about the challenges the movement faces—from internal divisions to external repression, from ideological rigidity to political compromise. His introduction sets the tone for a book that is both analytical and engaged, offering readers a nuanced and grounded understanding of socialism not as a distant ideal, but as a living, evolving force in the world.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 361p.

By Mary E. Richmond

Mary E. Richmond's "Social Diagnosis," published in 1917, is a seminal work that laid the foundation for the scientific methodology of social casework. Richmond's pioneering approach emphasized the importance of understanding the interaction between individuals and their environments, providing a structured framework for diagnosing and addressing social issues. Despite its groundbreaking contributions, "Social Diagnosis" has faced criticisms over the years. Modern social workers have developed various strategies to address these criticisms, ensuring that the principles of social work continue to evolve and remain relevant.

Richmond's work emerged during a period when social work was transitioning from charitable activities to a more structured profession. Her book provided a scientific basis for social casework, which was essential for the professionalization of social work. Richmond introduced the concept of social diagnosis, involving a detailed analysis of an individual's situation and personality in relation to their social environment. She identified six sources of power available to clients and social workers: within the household, the person of the client, the neighborhood and wider social network, civil agencies, and private and public agencies.

While highly regarded, "Social Diagnosis" has faced several criticisms. Critics argue that Richmond's focus on individual diagnosis and personal responsibility can overshadow broader social and structural factors contributing to social issues. Given the time period in which Richmond wrote, her work has been critiqued for lacking cultural sensitivity and failing to adequately address the diverse cultural backgrounds of clients. Richmond's methodology primarily focuses on casework and individual interventions, which can be limiting as it does not fully address the need for broader community and policy-level interventions. Some aspects of "Social Diagnosis" are considered outdated by contemporary standards, as the field of social work has evolved significantly since Richmond's time. While groundbreaking, some critics have pointed out that Richmond's methods lacked the rigorous empirical validation expected in modern social science research.

Modern Adaptations in Social Work. Modern social workers have developed various strategies. They adopt holistic and ecological approaches, considering the complex interplay between individuals and their environments. This framework recognizes the impact of social, economic, and cultural factors on clients' lives. Social work education and practice now place a strong emphasis on cultural competence. Social workers are trained to understand and respect the diverse cultural backgrounds of their clients, ensuring that interventions are culturally sensitive and appropriate. In addition to individual casework, modern social workers engage in macro-level interventions, including community organizing, policy advocacy, and systemic change efforts aimed at addressing broader social issues and inequalities. To enhance scientific rigor, social workers increasingly rely on evidence-based practice. This approach involves using research and empirical data to inform interventions, ensuring that they are effective and grounded in scientific evidence. Examples of evidence-based practice include Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) for mental health issues, Motivational Interviewing for substance abuse treatment, and Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT) for children and adolescents[1][2][3]. Modern social work often involves interdisciplinary collaboration. Social workers work alongside professionals from other fields, such as healthcare, education, and law, to provide comprehensive support to clients. This collaborative approach helps address the multifaceted nature of social issues. Ongoing professional development is crucial in modern social work. Social workers are encouraged to engage in lifelong learning, staying updated with the latest research, theories, and best practices. This commitment to professional growth helps them address emerging challenges and improve their practice.

Conclusion: Mary E. Richmond's "Social Diagnosis" remains a cornerstone in the field of social work, continuing to influence practice, education, and research. While it has faced criticisms, modern social workers have developed strategies to address these limitations, ensuring that the principles of social work evolve and remain relevant. By incorporating holistic approaches, cultural competence, macro-level interventions, evidence-based practice, interdisciplinary collaboration, and continual professional development, social workers build on Richmond's foundational work while adapting to contemporary social challenges.

By Mary E. Richmond

“The Long View” serves both as a historical document and as a critique of the limitations and challenges facing social work in the early 20th century. The title itself suggests her forward-thinking approach, urging practitioners to consider the long-term effects of their interventions rather than focusing solely on immediate relief. In this sense, the book represents a call for a more holistic and preventive approach to social work rather than a reactive or crisis-driven model. A key strength of her work is Richmond’s insistence on the importance of professionalization in social work. She argues for a rigorous, research-informed approach to casework, emphasizing the need for training, standardization, and ethical responsibility. This argument anticipates later debates in the field about the tension between bureaucratic efficiency and personalized, client-centered care. Richmond’s work in this book also highlights her concern with the social and structural determinants of poverty, distinguishing her from social workers who focus primarily on individual moral failings.

Originally published 1930 Russell Sage Fdn. Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 411p.

By Center on Extremism, Terrorism and Counterterrorism, Accelerationism Research Consortium, United States of America

This report is the fourth in a series of short reports that look at the user journeys of individuals in extremist communities. This report focuses on the Active Club Network (ACN), which is a decentralised and transnational neofascist accelerationism sub‑community within the broader accelerationist movement. The accelerationist element is particularly noteworthy. This sub‑community consists of small, individually informed organisations that emphasise White fraternal brotherhood, Evolian traditionalism, and preparation for war against a perceived White genocide. The focus on the ACN is due to its presence across several social media platforms, maintaining accounts on both mainstream and alternative platforms. The focus is also partly because the user journey of its members and adherents is mostly characterised by a more robust multi‑platform experience. The study used focused groups which mainly comprised individuals who have accessed, observed and occasionally participated in the private communication channels of these accelerationist movements. The names of all communities mentioned during the focus group, including those that participants accessed, have been removed. The report highlights platform use, violence, attacks and gender dynamics. Key findings on accelerationism are: • For some of these groups such as ACN – the focus of this report – user journey is mostly characterised by a robust multi‑platform experience, in which affiliated accounts across various accounts link with each other in order to give their content maximum visibility. • Online platforms used by ACN include Instagram, Facebook, X (formerly Twitter) and YouTube. Telegram remains a central hub where Active Club members and its adherents can gather, share propaganda and coordinate among themselves. • Active Clubs intentionally eschew overtly violent tactics and activities mainly to avoid drawing the attention of law enforcement. • Within these Clubs, women are rarely spoken of, while men are expected to adhere to traditional roles as leaders and physical protectors of their families.

London: Global Network on Extremism and Technology (GNET), 2024, 20p.

By The Australian Federal Police, Australian Security Intelligence Organisation

A jointly authored analysis of youth radicalisation by the Five Eyes security and law enforcement agencies – the first time they have collaborated on a public paper. The analysis identifies common issues and trends contributing to youth radicalisation and includes case studies from all of the Five Eyes countries: Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States. The paper calls for a whole-of-society response across the nations to help identify and deal with the radicalisation of minors – especially online.

The case studies highlight the challenges of minors in counter-terrorism. Minors can pose the same credible terrorist threat as adults, with some minors attracted to violent extremist content and ideologies – especially online. Law enforcement and security agencies intervene when there is a potential threat to public safety, but these disruptions are not the only response to this issue. Several of the case studies demonstrate that diversion and countering violent extremism programs can make a difference.

There is a role to play for law enforcement, security and government agencies, the education sector, mental health and social well-being services, communities and technology companies. The analysis informs the Australian Government’s upcoming counter-terrorism and violent extremism strategy.

Key issues

Minors are ‘digital natives’ – they have grown up online and are technologically savvy. Minors often use multiple platforms and applications for different purposes.

The online environment allows minors to interact with adults and other minors, allowing them to view and distribute violent extremist content which further radicalises themselves and others. Online environments, particularly encrypted ones, provide a large degree of anonymity.

Engaging with minors is more complex than engaging with adults. The unique characteristics of adolescent development require agencies to factor in additional considerations when dealing with minors. Determining intent can be harder for minors than adults, especially for minors who spend a lot of time online.

A renewed whole-of-society approach is required to address the issue of minors radicalising to violent extremism. This is not something governments or communities can address in isolation. Mental health, community initiatives, social services, and education interventions can help to counter radicalisation before security and policing responses are required.

The ways in which vulnerability factors (not limited to mental health or neurodiversity characteristics) impact minors’ radicalisation to violent extremism is challenging.

Five Eyes Insights, 2024. 8p

By The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

Guidelines for the Dismantling of Clandestine Laboratories (ST/NAR/56) is one in a series of similar UNODC publications dealing with clandestine manufacture of substances under international control, and the safe handling and disposal of chemicals used in the illicit manufacture of drugs. These manuals form part of a programme pursued by UNODC since the early 1980s to enhance the operational capacity of law enforcement personnel and drug testing laboratories, to improve the quality of their performance, and to promote standardization of working practices. This is to ensure that both scientific and non-scientific personnel have comprehensive information on risks of exposure and appropriate controls, precautions for evidence searching and handling as well as emergency medical and overdose responses. The target audience for this manual are law enforcement personnel that may encounter clandestine laboratories in their duties, crime scene and forensic experts that may have to collect evidence, process and dismantle these facilities, and also, the judiciary and policymakers and other stakeholders who may benefit from a greater understanding of the risks involved in dismantling clandestine laboratories. Furthermore, the manual underlines the importance of the development of national capacity, inter-agency cooperation and national legal frameworks in order to effectively respond to challenges encountered in laboratories where substances under international control are clandestinely manufactured.

Vienna: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2024. 81p.

By Sora Park, Tanya Notley, T. J. Thomson, Aimee Hourigan, Michael Dezuanni

The rapid uptake of social media, which Australians now use more than any other type of media, presents many opportunities for accessing information, but also presents the highly significant challenge of misinformation. The sheer volume of information online can be overwhelming and very difficult to navigate. As a result, bad actors seek to undermine democratic processes and target individuals. This has been widely recognised as a global problem. However, Australians lack the confidence and ability to verify misinformation.

This report is based on analysis of four linked datasets and finds that the vast majority of adult Australians want to be able to identify misinformation and are trying to do so. It also finds that many adult Australians overestimate their ability to verify information online.

The research findings illustrate the need for media literacy initiatives. These might include videos that show people how to fact check online or how to identify high-quality news sources, quizzes or games that help people develop their digital media knowledge and skills, explainers that show how platform business models operate and how this relates to the spread of misinformation, or in-person media production training that can help people think critically, and accurately represent people, places and ideas.

Penrith, AUS: News and Media Research Centre, Western Sydney University, 2024, 82p.

By Dr Ben Collier, Dr Morgan Currie, & Dr Benedetta Catanzariti

We are a team of researchers at the University of Edinburgh’s department of Science, Technology, and Innovation Studies, with a broad range of expertise and experience relating to digital technologies. The Scottish Parliament has commissioned us to conduct this research study evaluating the potential threats, risks, and mitigations to parliamentary business associated with novel generative AI technologies. We have been asked to consider particularly the threat of deepfaked video to the integrity of the Parliament video livestream and archived recordings of parliamentary business - a phenomenon which one of our participants dubbed ‘chamberfakes’. Scottish Parliament makes its live streamed and archived video of chamber and committee business widely accessible to major broadcasters and to the public directly through its website and on major social media platforms. Parliamentary video is produced as a neutral record of parliamentary business, and its accessibility serves a core democratic function of making the Scottish Parliament visible to the public. At the same time, this broad accessibility could lead to security vulnerabilities, including deepfake attacks. The report identifies three main deepfake-related risks: 1. Hacking the video livestream, either through a cybersecurity breach or by compromising a live participant dialing in through Zoom 2. Disseminating deepfakes on social media platforms 3. Creating deepfakes using parliamentary video material as a training resource for online harassment and abuse of MSPs While deepfake technologies are part of concerning broader trends in the proliferation of misinformation, abuse, and organised political interference, they do not generally represent a step change in capabilities for most hostile actors in the context of Parliamentary video. Instead, they generally offer small-to-medium scale reductions in barriers to entry for some existing forms of harm. Scottish Parliament has no formal processes in place to respond to these deepfake threats. However, Parliament’s strong institutional resilience - particularly the deep knowledge and experience of its staff - can play a current role in preventing or mitigating threats. The broadcasting team has multiple people who monitor both the live transmitted video and online video stream, ensuring the video transmission chain proceeds correctly. Parliament’s strategic risk register is already set up to respond to cybersecurity and personal online security threats to MSPs. The Official Report of Parliament, the transcript of all the Parliament's public proceedings, offers a record to check video suspected of tampering. Beyond current practices of risk management there are several technical, educational and legal solutions that could be adopted as future mitigations to deepfake risks. Considering deepfakes in relation to a broader constellation of risks and finding an optimistic picture of the resilience of Parliament to these threats, this report focuses its recommendations on several key institutional solutions that Scottish Parliament could adopt. Recommendations: 1. Develop formal intervention plan and reporting procedures for a deepfake or misinformation attack, involving the assignment of responsibility for this process to a specific individual via the risk register and establishing reporting procedures to UK Parliament and ministers and to MSPs 2. Institute further material and human-in-the-loop checks, including having cameras dump a live feed to file locally straight from the recording apparatus itself, authentication checks for participants dialling in to give evidence, and retaining an in-house staff to monitor the feed in comparison with live proceedings 3. Establish a communications team (or hire a small number of dedicated communications staff) within the broadcasting unit to support to MSPs who encounter or are victims of misinformation, track how parliamentary content is being circulated and used, and promote the use of parliamentary video through communications campaigns and direct engagement with broadcasters and platforms

Edinburgh: The Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research (SCCJR), 2024. 29p.

By The International Centre for the Study of Radicalization (ISCR), King’s College London, United Kingdom

This report is the sixth in a series of short reports that look at the user journeys of individuals in extremist communities. This report focuses on the extremist chan culture, which refers to a collection of online platforms. The existence of chans is in stark opposition to mainstream social media, where users are usually encouraged to share their personal content and use their real identities. Strong group identity within chans is mostly established by the use of in‑jokes and subcultural slang, despite the anonymous online setting. The decision to focus on extremist chan culture in this report is informed by the continued threat posed to broader society by chan sites, which foster a climate in which extremism is the norm and in which violence is often openly encouraged. These chan sites continue to represent a particular kind of extreme online hate which requires moderation in order to curtail the rise and spread of extreme far‑right communities. On the report’s methodology, the study used focus groups, involving individuals who have accessed, observed and occasionally participated in the private communication channels of these extremist communities. The names of all communities mentioned during the focus groups, including those that participants accessed, have been removed. Key findings on extremist chan culture are: • While there are non‑English language chan sites which attract large audiences in many countries, the most popular is 4chan, with more than 22,000,000 users. Since its inception, 4chan has been a haven for violence. • Newcomers are generally only able to find new chan sites through word of mouth, with more informed users periodically posting lists of links to more obscure chans on popular forums like 4chan. • The existence of smaller chan sites further implies their links to other such sites based on shared ideology and in some instances a sense of camaraderie. • Misogyny and queerphobia remain rife on extremist chan sites, with different chan sites varying slightly in their attitudes towards women.

London: Global Network on Extremism and Technology (GNET), 2024. 20p.