By Simone Drake, Katrina Lee, Kevin Passino, and Hugo Gonzalez Villasanti

Over-use of force by law enforcement officers in the United States persists, along with a resulting state of crisis in Black communities. In 2021, the Authors launched a project, funded by a grant from The Ohio State University’s Seed Fund for Racial Justice, that sought to intervene in traditional diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) training at the Columbus Division of Police. Scholars of law, critical race and gender studies, and engineering, the Authors took a multidisciplinary-team problem-solving approach to the crisis, with a focus on police training. With the aim of developing an innovative software program that augments in-person police training related to DEI, the project’s methodology included using real-life policing scenarios, software design, site visits, and engagement by students in the “Antiracist Technology” engineering course at The Ohio State University. The Authors sought to explore how technology can enhance in-person instructional training related to DEI and cultural competency while simultaneously reducing resistance to and resentment of DEI training. The project featured a collaborative focus on negotiation and critical race and gender studies. Ultimately, the goal is to use technology, together with research on structural and institutional systems of oppression, to improve relations between law enforcement and Black civilians. This Article begins with an historical overview, in two parts: Race and Policing, and Police Training. It then outlines project methodology and describes the beginning stages of this antiracist-technology project.

 Ohio State Legal Studies Research Paper. 2023, 20pg

By Rafael A. Mangual

  After a long period of continuous violent-crime declines throughout the U.S.—spanning from the mid-1990s through the early 2010s—many American cities are now seeing significant increases in violence. Nationally, in 2015 and 2016, murders rose nearly 11% and 8%, respectively. The national homicide rate declined slightly in 2017 and 2018, before ticking upward in 2019. In 2020, the nation saw its largest single-year spike in homicides in at least 100 years—which was followed by another increase in murders in 2021, according to CDC data and FBI estimates. In the last few years, a number of cities have seen murders hit an all-time high. In addition to homicides, the risk of other types of violent victimizations rose significantly, as well. While various analyses estimated a slight decline in homicides for the country in 2022, many American cities still find themselves dealing with levels of violence far higher than they were a decade ago. While violent crime—particularly murder—is the most serious due in large part to its social costs, there have also been worrying increases in crimes such as retail theft, carjacking, and auto theft, as well as in other visible signs of disorder in public spaces (from open-air drug use and public urination to illegal street racing and large-scale looting and riots). Although several contributing factors are likely, this general deterioration in public safety and order was unquestionably preceded and accompanied by a virtually unidirectional shift toward leniency and away from accountability in the policing, prosecutorial, and criminal-justice policy spaces. That shift is evidenced by, among other things, three major trends in enforcement: • A 25% decline in the number of those imprisoned during 2011–2212 • A 15% decline in the number of those held in jail during 2010–211 • A 26% decline in the number of arrests effected by law-enforcement officers during 2009–1914 Notable contributing factors to the decline in enforcement include: • A sharp uptick in public scrutiny and interventions—in the form of investigations and legal action taken by state attorneys general and the federal Department of Justice—against local law-enforcement agencies • The worsening of an ongoing police recruitment and retention crisis, particularly in large urban departments • The electoral success of the so-called progressive prosecutor movement, which, by 2022, had won seats in 75 jurisdictions, representing more than 72 million U.S. residents • Perhaps most important, the adoption of a slew of criminal-justice and policing reform measures at all levels of government Those who are skeptical of the criminal-justice reform movement have devoted most of their efforts to arguing against the movement’s excesses and explaining why it would be unwise to enact certain measures. Less effort has been devoted to the extremely important task of articulating a positive agenda for regaining what has been lost on the safety and order front. This paper seeks to add to that positive agenda for safety by proposing three model policies that, if adopted, would help, directly and indirectly, stem the tide of rising crime and violence, primarily by maximizing the benefits that attend the incapacitation of serious criminals (especially repeat offenders) and by encouraging the collection and public reporting of data that can inform the public about the downside risks that are glossed over by decarceration and depolicing activists ....

New York: Manhattan Institute. 2023, 19pg

By Josephine Wonsun Hahn, Ram Subramanian and Tiffany Sanabia

Minor offenses, including drug possession, shoplifting, disorderly conduct, vandalism, misdemeanor assault, and driving with a suspended license, make up the vast majority of cases in the American criminal justice system. Misdemeanors — the most common type of minor offense — amount to roughly three-quarters of cases filed each year. Enforcement consumes significant government resources, and the overall public safety benefit is questionable. For people charged with minor offenses, resolving cases requires months of court appearances. And minor offense charges have lifelong consequences: arrests alone restrict access to jobs, places to live, health care, and education. Low-income Black and Latino communities disproportionately bear these burdens. Brennan Center researchers examined minor criminal offense trends in New York City between 2016 to 2022. The resulting report highlights changes in enforcement, the prevalence of common offenses, and case outcomes, as well as racial disparities in minor offense case rates that persist despite reforms implemented over the last decade.

New York: Brennan Center for Justice, 2024.

By Anna Stenkamp and Michael Rempel

The purpose of this study is to assess recent trends in criminal summons practices by the New York City Police Department (NYPD), including if and how they disproportionately impact low income and/or Black and Brown communities.

Key Findings

Overall Summons Trends:

Steep Decline Until 2022: Criminal summonses plummeted by 90% from 2013 to 2022 (from 375,707 to 36,621). However, for the first time in a decade, criminal summonses increased by 62% in the most recent year from 2021 to 2022 (from 22,603 to 36,621).

Most Summonses Issued in Bronx and Brooklyn: The Bronx and Brooklyn emerged as hotspots for summonses, with over 60% issued in these boroughs from 2020 to 2022. The Bronx alone accounted for 30% across these years, despite Bronx residents comprising only 17% of NYC’s population.

Few Convictions: In 2022, just 9% of criminal summonses ended in a conviction. (Straight dismissals accounted for 63%, with 28% receiving an adjournment in contemplation of dismissal.) With less than one out of ten cases disposed as guilty, criminal summonses largely do not involve formal accountability but, rather, a “process is punishment” effect, including lost time, income or other challenges from people having to appear in court.

Racial and Socioeconomic Disparities:

Widening Racial Disparities: From 2020 to 2022, the NYPD issued over 85% of criminal summonses to Black or Hispanic people, who combine for 52% of NYC’s population. Relative to their numbers in the general population, police issued summonses at a rate 8.9 times higher for Black than white people in 2020, increasing to 11.4 times higher in 2022.

Income Disparities: The NYPD issued over 60% of summonses to people living in zip codes that fell below the median household income. Further, within communities of every income bracket, the NYPD disproportionately issued criminal summonses to their Black and Hispanic residents. For example, in zip codes with a median household income below $35,000, police issued 97% of summonses to Black and Hispanic people, though they made up just 44% of the population. And in affluent zip codes with a household income over $100,000, police issued 73% of summonses to Black and Hispanic people, though they comprise 24% of the population.

Neighborhood Disparities:

Disparities Based on Zip Code: Residents of 40 (22%) of the City’s 178 zip codes accounted for over half of criminal summonses in 2022. Thirty-four of these 40 zip codes (85%) were majority or plurality Black or Hispanic.

Racial Disparities Within Zip Codes: Across all 178 zip codes, 89% had a larger proportion of summonses issued to Black residents and 67% had a larger proportion issued to Hispanic residents than their respective shares of the zip code’s general population. Thus, NYC police are both disproportionately issuing summonses in predominantly Black and Hispanic neighborhoods; and within virtually all neighborhoods citywide, police are disproportionately issuing summonses to Black and Hispanic residents.

The disproportionate issuance of summonses targeting Black and Hispanic communities highlights systemic biases that perpetuate inequality within the criminal justice system. Addressing these disparities is crucial to fostering a fair and equitable approach to law enforcement, ensuring justice for all residents of New York City

New York: Data Collaborative for Justice, 2024. 45p.

By David Spencer

‘The Wicked and the Redeemable’ reveals that:

• Despite representing nine percent of the nearly six million people convicted of a criminal offence between 2000 and 2021 prolific offenders receive over half of all convictions.

• The Crown Prosecution Service is taking far longer to charge suspects than ever before. It now takes an average of nearly 44 days compared to 14 days seven years ago. These delays are putting vulnerable victims at risk of considerable harm as a result of wholly unnecessary bureaucracy.

• The number of cases that have been outstanding for more than 6 months (the expected standard) has quadrupled in the last four years to 30,384 cases. This is part of the biggest ever Crown Court backlog in history (with 64,709 cases now outstanding – double the number four years ago).

• Despite already having more than 45 previous convictions, ‘Hyper-Prolific Offenders’ are sent to prison on less than half of all occasions (47.3%) on conviction for an indictable or either-way offence. For ‘Prolific Offenders’, those with 16 previous convictions or more, the number falls to less than a quarter being sent to prison on conviction (24.4%) for an indictable or either-way offence.

London: Policy Exchange, 2023. 54p

By Jason Tan de Bibiana, Kerry Mulligan, Aaron Stagoff-Belfort, Daniela Gilbert

Communities across the country have been harmed by violence for decades, and government leaders have struggled to deliver impactful solutions. In particular, an overreliance on policing has not produced the safety that communities need and deserve. Community organizers working to address violence have long recognized that a different approach is needed—one that comes from a deep understanding of a community’s needs, uses data to guide strategies, and prioritizes prevention and intervention rather than punishment. One innovative way for governments to incorporate these tenets into policy and practice—and to provide better, more sustainable support to community-based efforts—is by building centralized local offices of violence prevention or neighborhood safety (OVP/ONS). These offices have the potential to radically transform governmental approaches to public safety. This report summarizes the current state of OVP/ONS nationally and identifies promising practices and recommendations to create and support these offices.

New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2023. 73p.

By Robin S. Engel, Hannah D. McManus, and Gabrielle T. Isaza

In post-Ferguson America, police departments are being challenged to implement evidence-based changes in policies and training to reduce fatal police-citizen encounters. Of the litany of recommendations believed to reduce police shootings, five have garnered widespread support: body-worn cameras, de-escalation training, implicit bias training, early intervention systems, and civilian oversight. These highly endorsed interventions, however, are not supported by a strong body of empirical evidence that demonstrates their effectiveness. guided by the available research on evidence-based policing and informed by the firsthand experience of one of the authors in implementing departmental reforms that followed the fatal shooting of a civilian by an officer, this article highlights promising reform strategies and opportunities to build the evidence base for effective use-of-force reforms. We call upon police executives to engage in evidence-based policing by scientifically testing interventions, and we call on academics to engage in rapid research responses for critical issues in policing.

Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 687(1), 146–165. 2020

by Rafael A. Mangual

After a long period of continuous violent-crime declines throughout the U.S.—spanning from the mid-1990s through the early 2010s—many American cities are now seeing significant increases in violence. Nationally, in 2015 and 2016, murders rose nearly 11% and 8%, respectively.[1] The national homicide rate declined slightly in 2017 and 2018, before ticking upward in 2019.[2] In 2020, the nation saw its largest single-year spike in homicides in at least 100 years—which was followed by another increase in murders in 2021, according to CDC data and FBI estimates.[3] In the last few years, a number of cities have seen murders hit an all-time high.[4] In addition to homicides, the risk of other types of violent victimizations rose significantly, as well.[5] While various analyses estimated a slight decline in homicides for the country in 2022,[6] many American cities still find themselves dealing with levels of violence far higher than they were a decade ago. While violent crime—particularly murder—is the most serious due in large part to its social costs,[7] there have also been worrying increases in crimes such as retail theft,[8] carjacking,[9] and auto theft,[10] as well as in other visible signs of disorder in public spaces (from open-air drug use and public urination to illegal street racing and large-scale looting and riots).[11] Although several contributing factors are likely, this general deterioration in public safety and order was unquestionably preceded and accompanied by a virtually unidirectional shift toward leniency and away from accountability in the policing, prosecutorial, and criminal-justice policy spaces. That shift is evidenced by, among other things, three major trends in enforcement: A 25% decline in the number of those imprisoned during 2011–22[12], A 15% decline in the number of those held in jail during 2010–21[13], A 26% decline in the number of arrests effected by law-enforcement officers during 2009–19[14]. Notable contributing factors to the decline in enforcement include: A sharp uptick in public scrutiny and interventions—in the form of investigations and legal action taken by state attorneys general and the federal Department of Justice—against local law-enforcement agencies[15]. The worsening of an ongoing police recruitment and retention crisis, particularly in large urban departments[16]. The electoral success of the so-called progressive prosecutor movement, which, by 2022, had won seats in 75 jurisdictions, representing more than 72 million U.S. residents[17]. Perhaps most important, the adoption of a slew of criminal-justice and policing reform measures at all levels of government[18]. Those who are skeptical of the criminal-justice reform movement have devoted most of their efforts to arguing against the movement’s excesses and explaining why it would be unwise to enact certain measures.[19] Less effort has been devoted to the extremely important task of articulating a positive agenda for regaining what has been lost on the safety and order front.[20] This paper seeks to add to that positive agenda for safety by proposing three model policies that, if adopted, would help, directly and indirectly, stem the tide of rising crime and violence, primarily by maximizing the benefits that attend the incapacitation of serious criminals (especially repeat offenders) and by encouraging the collection and public reporting of data that can inform the public about the downside risks that are glossed over by decarceration and depolicing activists. The three policies proposed here, which draw on policies proposed and adopted throughout the country in recent history: Modified “Three Strikes”—Creating a points system for various offenses as well as a points threshold that will trigger a mandatory minimum sentencing enhancement, in order to improve deterrence for those beneath the threshold and to maximize incapacitation for those who step over it. “Truth in Sentencing”—Setting a floor for how much of a given sentence must be served before a convicted felon becomes eligible for initial release into community supervision, in order to maximize incapacitation for those who have been convicted of a serious offense and sentenced to a term of imprisonment. “Data Transparency”—Identifies several types of crime-related data that jurisdictions will be encouraged to collect and report in a standardized manner to address the problem of making and evaluating policing and criminal-justice policies without the benefit of reliable, relevant data. These model policies should be viewed flexibly; policymakers should see them as starting points, feeling free to make changes that reflect the various concerns and idiosyncrasies specific to their respective jurisdictions.

New York: Manhattan Institute, 2024. 19p.

By David Weisburd, Cody W. Telep , Heather Vovak , Taryn Zastrowa , Anthony A. Braga , and Brandon Turchan  

  Can police be trained to treat people in fair and respectful ways, and if so, will this influence evaluations of the police and crime? To answer these questions, we randomly allocated 120 crime hot spots to a procedural justice (PJ) and standard condition (SC) in three cities. Twenty-eight officers were randomly assigned to the conditions. The PJ condition officers received an intensive 5-d training course in the components of PJ (giving voice, showing neutrality, treating people with respect, and evidencing trustworthy motives). We used police self-report surveys to assess whether the training influenced attitudes, systematic social observations to examine impacts on police behavior in the field, and arrests to assess law enforcement actions. We conducted pre and post household surveys to assess resident attitudes toward the police. Impacts on crime were measured using crime incident and citizen-initiated crime call data. The training led to increased knowledge about PJ and more procedurally just behavior in the field as compared with the SC condition. At the same time, PJ officers made many fewer arrests than SC officers. Residents of the PJ hot spots were significantly less likely to perceive police as harassing or using unnecessary force, though we did not find significant differences between the PJ and SC hot spots in perceptions of PJ and police legitimacy. We found a significant relative 14% decline in crime incidents in the PJ hot spots during the experiment.  

Missouri: PNAS, 2022. 6p.

By Eugenia C. South,  John MacDonald,  Vincent Reina,

Importance  The root causes of violent crime in Black urban neighborhoods are structural, including residential racial segregation and concentrated poverty. Previous work suggests that simple and scalable place-based environmental interventions can overcome the legacies of neighborhood disinvestment and have implications for health broadly and crime specifically. Objective  To assess whether structural repairs to the homes of low-income owners are associated with a reduction in nearby crime. Design, Setting, and Participants  This cross-sectional study using difference-in-differences analysis included data from the City of Philadelphia Basic Systems Repair Program (BSRP) from January 1, 2006, through April 30, 2013. The unit of analysis was block faces (single street segments between 2 consecutive intersecting streets) with or without homes that received the BSRP intervention. The blocks of homes that received BSRP services were compared with the blocks of eligible homes that were still on the waiting list. Data were analyzed from December 1, 2019, to February 28, 2021. Exposures  The BSRP intervention includes a grant of up to $20 000 provided to low-income owners for structural repairs to electrical, plumbing, heating, and roofing damage. Eligible homeowners must meet income guidelines, which are set by the US Department of Housing and Urban Development and vary yearly. Main Outcomes and Measures  The main outcome was police-reported crime across 7 major categories of violent and nonviolent crimes (homicide, assault, burglary, theft, robbery, disorderly conduct, and public drunkenness). Results  A total of 13 632 houses on 6732 block faces received the BSRP intervention. Owners of these homes had a mean (range) age of 56.5 (18-98) years, were predominantly Black (10 952 [78.6%]) or Latino (1658 [11.9%]) individuals, and had a mean monthly income of $993. These census tracts compared with those without BSRP intervention had a substantially larger Black population (49.5% vs 12.2%; |D| = 0.406) and higher unemployment rate (17.3% vs 9.3%; |D| = 0.357). The main regression analysis demonstrated that the addition to a block face of a property that received a BSRP intervention was associated with a 21.9% decrease in the expected count of total crime (incidence rate ratio [IRR], 0.78; 95% CI, 0.76-0.80; P<.001), 19.0% decrease in assault (IRR, 0.81; 95% CI, 0.79-0.84; P<.001), 22.6% decrease in robbery (IRR, 0.77; 95% CI, 0.75-0.80; P<.001), and 21.9% decrease in homicide (IRR, 0.78; 95% CI, 0.71-0.86; P<.001). When restricting the analysis to blocks with properties that had ever received a BSRP intervention, a total crime reduction of 25.4% was observed for each additional property (IRR, 0.75; 95% CI, 0.73-0.77; P<.001). A significant dose-dependent decrease in total crime was found such that the magnitude of association increased with higher numbers of homes participating in the BSRP on a block. Conclusions and Relevance  This study found that the BSRP intervention was associated with a modest but significant reduction in crime. These findings suggest that intentional and targeted financial investment in structural, scalable, and sustainable place-based interventions in neighborhoods that are still experiencing the lasting consequences of structural racism and segregation is a vital step toward achieving health equity.

Pennsylvania: JAMA Network Open, 2021. 12p.

By Aaron Chalfin, Greg Ridgeway, John MacDonald, Rachel Ryley

The Philadelphia Police Department began distributing 435 mobile smartphones to officers in police districts 22, 24, and 25 in February 2021. At the same time PPD established Crime Information Centers (CICs) to facilitate analysis and information sharing. We compared changes in police-related outcomes in districts 22, 24, and 25 with six districts (12, 14, 15, 19, 35, 39) that received no phones and had similar levels of serious crime. The smartphones provided officers with improved access to information and a convenient technology to receive requests for intelligence crucial to investigations, report street-level intelligence, and communicate directly with members of the community. Mobile phones/CICs have public safety benefits • An increase in the violent crime clearance rate from 24% to 30% • An increase in the likelihood that a stop resulted in an arrest — from 10% to 28% — suggesting more surgical policing, without increasing the number of stops conducted Mobile phones substantially ease regular PPD officers’ tasks • Greatly increased the amount and variety of evidence collected – Weekly uploads increased 40% after at least one SIG detective received a phone • Facilitated 311 reports to address physical disorder in districts • Made officers more willing and able to create intelligence reports • Enhanced basic communication between police and community members through calls and text messages, including direct contact about the location of illegal firearms • Can improve the completeness and timeliness of NCIC/PCIC checks, patrol logs, and court notices PPD has more to gain from mobile IT and CICs • More incentives are needed to promote smartphone use among officers. A few officers in each of the pilot districts were more active users of the smartphones – 5/7 squads use the phones a lot, others were infrequent users  – 3 officers submitted half of the 311 requests – 86% of officers submitted no intelligence reports at all – Usage has essentially ended in District 22 • Regular use of phones among officers could support mission-directed patrol – Monitoring the time spent in mission areas – Documenting mission-related business checks and home visits – Promote intelligence reports in mission areas • PPD could encourage additional phone usage – Encourage officers to share information and give feedback on how their intel reports and 311 reports are solving community problems – Emphasize phone usage in CompStat by tracking key metrics ∗ Time spent in strategic areas ∗ Number of leads connected to shootings or priority incidents ∗ Volume of direct calls/messages from community leading to crime clearances – Establish a clear policy on expected phone use, monitor use, and provide feedback to command staff and officers on the successful uses of technology  

Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Crime and Justice Policy Lab, 2022. 43p.

By Peter Leasure

This study, co-produced by the Drug Enforcement and Policy Center and the York College of Pennsylvania School of Behavioral Sciences and Education Criminology and Criminal Justice Department, evaluated the impact of York City’s Group Violence Initiative on firearm incidents, violent crime incidents, and recidivism. The results of the primary model did not support the hypothesis that the intervention reduced firearm incidents in York City. The results of the primary model also did not support the hypothesis that the intervention reduced violent crime incidents in York City. However, potential violations of assumptions for time series designs and inconsistent regression results did not support strong conclusions regarding the effect of the intervention on the rate of firearm incidents and violent crime incidents. The recidivism rate for individuals involved in call-in meetings was 83.33%. Data recording procedures and data quality meaningfully improved over the course of the project. These improvements allow York City to be well-positioned for future evaluation projects and data-driven policy shifts.

Drug Enforcement and Policy Center. September 2023, 66pg

Congressional Research Service

In times of crisis, people call 911 to receive emergency assistance. For decades, the 911 system has operated using legacy infrastructure (i.e., telephone calls through the public switched telephone network). In the 2000s, local governments and public safety officials identified the need to keep pace with emerging communications technologies and communication formats that consumers use in daily life (e.g., texts, videos, photos). As such, some public safety answering points (PSAPS, also known as 911 centers) are upgrading their infrastructure to Internet Protocol (IP)-based systems—referred to as Next Generation 911 (NG911). When fully transitioned, NG911 is anticipated to enhance emergency response service, making it easier for the public to report emergency needs and for first responders to receive rich information. This includes multimedia transmissions—such as text messages, streaming video, and photos—directly from the public to PSAPs, which can enhance situational awareness for 911 telecommunicators in dispatching emergency response. Additionally, NG911 allows for interoperability with other PSAPs so that calls can be transferred to other centers for response—for example, in the event of call overload during a disaster—and also for interconnection with the First Responder Network Authority (FirstNet) to seamlessly transfer data directly from PSAPs to first responders in the field.

Congressional Research Service. https://crsreports.congress.gov R48015. 2024. 19p.

By Suzanne Mooney, Lisa Bunting, Stephen Coulter & Lorna Montgomery

This report uses the ‘Sequential Intercept Model’ (SIM) as a framework to provide a selective review of practice innovations at different stages of the criminal justice process as a means to improve the life chances of young people and adults with complex needs in Northern Ireland (NI) who interface with the criminal justice system (CJS)1. The report was commissioned by the Safeguarding Board Northern Ireland as part of the cross-departmental Early Intervention Transformation Programme initiative to support the development of Trauma Informed Practice across systems of health, social care, education, justice and the community and voluntary sectors in NI.

Belfast: Safeguarding Board for Northern Ireland and Queen’s University Belfast.

By Lindsay Turner, Julie Atella, Virginia Pendleton, Sophak Mom

When Minneapolis police officers killed George Floyd in May 2020, the nearby city of Brooklyn Park began urgent work, including convening listening sessions and tasking city commissions with creating a work plan to improve the Brooklyn Park Police Department.

In December 2020, the City of Brooklyn Park hired Wilder Research to uncover the root causes of violence in Brooklyn Park, understand community perceptions of the Brooklyn Park Police Department, create research-driven recommendations to improve community safety, and develop a tool to assess and improve the Brooklyn Park Police Department’s performance. Wilder Research reviewed existing research on community safety and policing, analyzed Brooklyn Park specific community survey data related to the root causes of violence, and conducted interviews with residents and employees of Brooklyn Park.

High-level findings:

• There are risks of violence when people are not economically secure or connected to their community.

• There are disparities in Brooklyn Park that likely contribute to violence and disorder.

• Improving traditional policing may not improve safety.

• Brooklyn Park Police Department policies and interviewee themes support that procedural justice is a key strength; even so, some BPPD policies and Minnesota laws conflict with best practices.

Recommendations:

• Focus on prevention. To improve safety, the city should address inequities, and ensure that the social conditions where safety thrives are equally distributed across races and places in Brooklyn Park.

• Improve interventions. The city should explore using community-based mental health and substance use responses, school-based safety workers, and other efforts to reimagine police responsibilities. The city should also partner with community stakeholders to expand focused deterrence initiatives, and interventions including treatment and restorative justice.

• Assess BPPD for improvements. We developed a scorecard to measure BPPD performance. We recommend the city, BPPD, and community members impacted by systemic marginalization and police contact partner to assess and recommend changes to BPPD.

St. Paul MN: Wilder Research, 2021. 115p.

By Lindsay Turner

Background

Two legal doctrines in Minnesota – aiding and abetting liability and felony murder – converge to allow anyone who contributes to a felony to be charged with and punished for murder if a death occurs during the course of the felony, even if that person did not cause death, cause any injury to the deceased, nor intend for anyone to die. Aiding and abetting liability means that people are criminally liable for the crime of another if the first person aids, advises, counsels, or conspires to commit that crime (Minnesota Statutes 2021, section 609.05). Under the doctrine of felony murder, anyone who kills another during the course of committing a felony is liable for murder, even if they did not intend for death to result (Minnesota Statutes 2021, section 609.185 and 609.195). Taken together, this means that people in Minnesota can be punished for murder when they did not kill, injure, or even intend harm, so long as they contribute to a felony, and a death results during the course of the felony (called “aiding and abetting felony murder”).

In June 2021, the Minnesota Legislature established the Task Force on Aiding and Abetting Felony Murder (Task Force) (Laws of Minnesota 2021, 1st Spec. Sess. chapter 11, article 2, section 53) in order to understand any benefits and unintended consequences of Minnesota’s aiding and abetting felony murder doctrine. The Task Force organized into three subcommittees. One to collect and analyze data about charges, convictions, and sentences under the doctrine, one to review statutes and case law across the 50 states, and one to invite input from victims’ loved ones and those impacted by the current doctrine. In November 2021, the Task Force hired Wilder Research to review literature, aid in data analysis, and write the report to the legislature. This report summarizes this task force’s work, findings, and recommendations.

Key findings:

Studies on deterrence, incarceration’s lack of impact on re-offense, and adolescent brain development raise concerns with this doctrine.

To contextualize the issue, Wilder Research staff reviewed research on deterrence, incarceration’s impact on reoffense, and adolescent brain development. Decades of studies show that the threat of punishment alone does not deter crime (Rocker, 2021), that incarceration compared to non-custodial sanctions has no impact on reoffense or tends to increase the risk that the person who experiences incarceration will reoffend (Petrich et al., 2021), and that those in their teens through mid-20s are in a unique stage of brain development that make them less capable to assess risk and consequences, and more apt to be motivated by emotion and peer pressure than those older (Dobscha, 2019; Johnson et al., 2009). With this, Task Force members were concerned that Minnesota’s aiding and abetting felony murder doctrine does not deter behavior, does not reduce the risk of re-offense, and may especially harm those in their mid-20s and younger who are held liable under this doctrine.

Young people, people charged by Hennepin County, Black people, and males with little to no prior criminal history make up the largest groups of people charged, convicted, and sentenced under this doctrine.

From 2010 through 2019, there have been 130 people charged with aiding and abetting felony murder across Minnesota, and 84 people convicted of aiding and abetting felony murder as the most severe conviction. The Task Force analyzed patterns in charges, convictions, and sentences, and found that people 25 years and younger, people in Hennepin County, Black people, and people with little to no criminal history are those most frequently impacted by aiding and abetting felony murder liability. The Task Force was concerned with geographic, race, and age disparities that have happened under this doctrine.

Recent national trends are to limit aiding and abetting felony murder liability, not expand it.

The Task Force reviewed felony murder and aiding and abetting liability statutes from the 50 states, and also seminal state appellate or state Supreme Court cases relevant to aiding and abetting felony murder liability in Minnesota and around the country. The Task Force also heard presentations about whether other common law countries apply felony murder liability. The United States is the only common law country that has not yet abolished felony murder liability generally, and past decades have seen U.S. state legislatures and review courts abolish and otherwise limit aiding and abetting felony murder liability.

Victims and those convicted under the doctrine support limiting aiding and abetting felony murder liability, with avenues for retroactive relief.

The Task Force invited connection with victims’ families through contacting 37 victim/survivor organizations, and heard from victims’ families through the Minnesota Alliance on Crime (MAC). MAC is a statewide coalition of victim/survivor advocate organizations; 75% of their membership are victim-witness programs in county attorney offices, and the rest are community-based organizations. The Task Force also heard from 10 people convicted under this doctrine, and one person who rejected a deal to plead guilty to aiding and abetting felony murder. MAC expressed support for retroactive reform such that aiders and abettors of an underlying felony are not punished for the homicidal acts of another, and said that such retroactive reforms would be supported by the vast majority of its members. Impacted individuals expressed accountability for their role in the underlying felony and shared many difficulties stemming from being held criminally liable for the homicidal acts of another. Those impacted individuals who spoke on the subject strongly supported retroactive reforms to limit aiding and abetting felony murder liability.

The adverse consequences of Minnesota’s aiding and abetting felony murder doctrine outweigh its benefits.

After analyzing the above key findings, the Task Force agreed that the adverse consequences of the current aiding and abetting felony murder doctrine outweigh its benefits.

St. Paul, MN: Wilder Foundation, 2022. 222p.

By Anna Granias, Ryan Evans, Daniel Lee, Nicole MartinRogers, Emma Connell, With expert consultant Jose Vega

On May 25, 2020, a Black Minneapolis resident, George Floyd, was murdered by a Minneapolis police officer, Derek Chauvin. The officer kneeled on Mr. Floyd’s neck for over nine minutes, while two other Minneapolis police officers helped pin him down for a portion of that time. Another police officer prevented several bystanders from intervening as they watched Mr. Floyd die.

Vigils and peaceful protesting began immediately after the murder, at the scene (38th Street and Chicago Avenue) and in other locations, and continued through June 7, 2020. Civil unrest, including violence and destructive behavior, started within 24 hours at the scene and in other parts of Minneapolis and Saint Paul, in the state of Minnesota, around the U.S., and internationally. Looting and arson were widespread, and local police and emergency responders could not respond to many calls for help— either because they couldn't safely access the area or were too overwhelmed. Minnesota State Law Enforcement Agencies, including the Minnesota State Patrol, Minnesota Department of Natural Resources Law Enforcement Division, and other agencies, along with the Minnesota National Guard were called upon by the governor to provide services outside of their specific jurisdiction and training. Although these state-level entities were better equipped to respond to this particular crisis than local jurisdictions due to their training, equipment, and number of officers, they did not have experience responding to a large-scale civil disturbance and extended period of civil unrest such as what occurred in Minneapolis after Mr. Floyd’s murder.

External review commissioned

In February 2021, the Minnesota Department of Public Safety (DPS) contracted with Wilder Research to conduct an external review of the state’s response to civil unrest that occurred May 26-June 7, 2020, following the murder of George Floyd. DPS requested that the review:

• Objectively evaluate what the state did well and did not do well.

• Identify actions and options that may have produced different, or possibly better, outcomes.

• Provide recommendations to the Commissioner of Public Safety to assist state and local governmental units, including cities and counties, in responding effectively to potential periods of regional or statewide civil unrest in the future.

St. Paul: Wilder Foundation, 2022. 129p.

Scott E. Wolfe , Jeff Rojek , Geoff Alpert ,Hope Tiesman, and Stephen James

Following the unfortunate rise in the number of law enforcement officers killed in the USA between 2010 and 2011, the Bureau of Justice Assistance and Office of Community Oriented Policing Services created the national Officer Safety and Wellness (OSW) group to identify and support efforts to improve officer safety (Stephens et al., 2012). One of the more notable observations from the OSW group was that little is known about officerinvolved vehicle collisions despite these events often being the leading cause of officer fatalities in the USA on an annual basis (Stephens et al., 2013)[ 1 ]. This issue has largely been ignored by the research community and, as a result, there is virtually no empirical knowledge concerning the prevalence of vehicle collisions, the injury, and fatality outcomes of these events, the characteristics of these collisions, or the characteristics of individuals involved in such incidents. The impact of this empirical gap is a lack of knowledge for developing policy, practice, and training aimed at reducing injuries and fatalities resulting from vehicle collisions. The present study partially addresses this gap in the literature by examining more than 35,000 vehicle collisions involving officers in the State of California between 2000 and 2009. The analysis examines the outcomes of these events and the characteristics of the collisions and offices involved.

HHS Public Access. Author manuscript. Policing. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 February 10.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

Mike Hough and Mike Maxfield

Join us as we delve into the evolution of crime surveying in the 21st century with a special focus on the landmark British Crime Survey. In this comprehensive exploration, we reflect on the past quarter-century of crime trends, methodologies, and societal shifts that have shaped our understanding of criminal behavior.

From the inaugural survey in 1999 to the latest data-driven analyses, this commemorative edition offers valuable insights into the complex landscape of crime detection and prevention. Uncover how technology, demographic changes, and policy initiatives have influenced the prevalence and perception of crime across the United Kingdom.

Celebrate this milestone anniversary by delving into the intricate tapestry of crime surveying, where data meets narrative to illuminate the challenges and triumphs of combating crime in the modern era.

Crime Prevention Studies Volume 22. Criminal Justice Press Monsey, NY, U.S.A.. Willan Publishing Cullomptom, Devon, U.K.. 2007. 321p.

By The National Police Foundation (Canada)

In the realm of public safety, Members of the RCMP play a vital and unique role, bearing the responsibility of upholding the law, protecting communities, and ensuring the well-being of Canadians, through municipal, provincial, and federal policing. Too often, they do so at risk of their own mental health and well-being. By choosing a life dedicated to the service of others through a career in public safety, they also accept the challenges and adversities inherent to their unique line of duty. Members are confronted daily with a myriad of stressors, risks, and emotionally taxing situations unique to their career which invariably take a toll on their psychological well-being. The very nature of their profession exposes them to violence, trauma, high-pressure situations, and a relentless demand for vigilance. This is compounded by organizational and operational stressors, mental health stigmatization, and a lack of comprehensive and accessible mental health services and supports. Over time, these factors have been shown to accumulate and lead to an array of mental health challenges, including posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, anxiety, and a heightened risk of suicidal behavior. Understanding the mental health challenges faced by Members is a crucial step toward caring for Members and enhancing the overall effectiveness and sustainability of the RCMP. By recognizing and addressing these challenges, we can work towards more resilient, healthier, and better equipped Members who can continue to serve and protect Canadian communities safely and effectively. The National Police Federation (NPF) has demonstrated a strong commitment to supporting the mental health and wellbeing of Members of the RCMP. Recognizing the unique challenges and stressors faced by our Members, the NPF has actively engaged in partnerships to research and address mental health issues within the RCMP. Most recently, the NPF in partnership with the University of Regina and the Canadian Institute for Public Safety Research and Treatment (CIPSRT), funded a survey of serving Members across Canada. The NPF would like to thank all Members who took the significant time and commitment to participate in this survey. Some of the questions were potentially traumatic and tough, but by providing their voice, Members are helping make a difference for current and future Members.

Ottawa: National Police Federation, 2024.26p.