By John Bansemer, Greg Rattray and Franklin Lee

The R Street Institute has conducted a study of the challenges associated with improving state and municipal responses to cyber attacks. This study leverages existing reports, interviews with defenders at the state and municipal level, experts studying these challenges, as well as workshops conducted in conjunction with the New York Cyber Task Force. It describes the shape of the challenges and offers recommendations for action to improve state and municipal cyber response capabilities. Further, understanding the associated challenges and extending the work on the recommendations within this report requires significant follow-on efforts. This report seeks to engage and assist those on the front line—governors, mayors, personnel, and state and local governmental organizations. While the federal government and the private sector play key roles, they were not the specific focus of this study

R STREET POLICY STUDY NO. 229 May 2021, 13p.

By Lars Trautman and Camille Infantolino

As with so many facets of American life, the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic hit the criminal justice system like a tsunami, upending existing practices and forcing leaders to rapidly consider new approaches. The fast-spreading, deadly contagion added new urgency to long-festering issues, especially the problems associated with the sheer number of individuals contained within and processed through the system. To protect those working within jails and prisons or those facing the prospect of becoming confined, jurisdictions adopted new policies to reduce the number of individuals entering the system altogether, or at least its correctional facilities. One of the primary ways in which jurisdictions grappled with that priority was by instituting new alternatives to arrest. Across the country, jurisdictions expanded citations in lieu of arrest, deprioritized police stops for minor transgressions, and changed how they received and responded to certain civilian complaints. In each of these instances, the policy shifts suited the COVID-19 situation especially well because of their propensity to reduce unnecessary human contact, particularly in close quarters. Of course, whether jurisdictions retain and even expand these measures, or whether additional jurisdictions follow suit, will depend on more than simply their immediate health benefits. In addition to considering how well the policies lived up to their promises of saving resources, avoiding unproductive police encounters and reducing government interference in individuals’ lives, local authorities will have to weigh the political and public reaction to their introduction. Indeed, one obstacle to alternatives to arrest that has existed since long before the pandemic is fear about how the public will respond to their adoption. Accordingly, the present brief addresses some of these concerns by delving into COVID-19- inspired shifts in alternatives-to-arrest policy and examines how these changes were received in the popular press.

R STREET SHORTS NO. 98 December 2020, 4p.

By Brenden Beck

Did governments shift funding from their social welfare functions to their criminal justice functions after the 1980s? Studies investigating this possible “punitive turn” have been inconclusive and have been conducted at the state or national scale. Cities, however, are increasingly important as government responsibility devolves downward and social movements target municipal police budgets. This study contributes to ongoing academic and political debates about welfare-state retrenchment and police department funding using data on 390 U.S. cities between 1990 and 2019. In contrast to conventional explanations for budgetary restructuring that foreground across-the-board cuts or macroeconomic causes, this study proposes a fiscal crisis model that emphasizes localized budget deficits, beliefs about policing's primacy, and police agencies’ political power. Data reveal gradual and considerable municipal budgetary restructuring toward law enforcement between 1990 and 2019, with police funding growing 32% relative to social spending. Fixed-effects regression models with asymmetric predictors find that when municipal revenues fell by 10%, cities reduced police expenditures by an associated 1% and social service expenditures by 4%, with parks and housing seeing the biggest cuts. During austerity, municipalities cut police shallowly and temporarily while cutting social services deeply and enduringly, accelerating welfare-to-carceral realignment.

Criminology, Volume 62, Issue 4, 2024, pages ,623-654

By Matthew B. Ross

 1. Introduction In November 2021, the New Jersey Attorney General’s Office of Public Integrity and Accountability (NJOPIA) engaged the author of this study for the purpose of conducting an independent analysis of traffic stops made by the New Jersey State Police (NJ-SP). Based on the author’s extensive experience working with state and local policymakers to develop early warning systems for identifying police disparities, the NJ OPIA requested that the analysis focus on the central question of whether there was disparate treatment on the part of NJ-SP towards racial and ethnic minorities.2 After cleaning and linking all of the raw data provided by the New Jersey Office of Law Enforcement Professional Standards (NJ-OLEPS), the analytical sample used in this analysis consisted of 6,177,109 traffic stops made by NJ-SP from 2009 to 2021. In the full analytical sample, 60.52 percent of traffic stops were made of White non-Hispanic motorists while 18.8 percent were Black/African-American and 13.44 percent were Hispanic/Latinx. The overall volume of minority motorists stopped by NJ-SP increased from 35.34 percent in 2009 to 46.28 percent in 2021. The overarching finding from the analysis of the NJ-SP data from 2009-21 is that there was extremely strong evidence of a large and persistent disparity both is the decision to stop as well as the decision to engage in post-stop enforcement like search, vehicular exits, use of force, and arrest. In general, the results were estimated with a very high degree of statistical confidence, survived multiple robustness tests, and were found across most years and troops/stations. In the opinion of this study’s author, these disparities represent strong empirical evidence that NJ-SP is engaged in enforcement practices that result in adverse treatment towards minority motorists. Following best practices, this study applies an ensemble of the most reliable statistical tests available in the scientific literature. The intuition of this approach is that the shortcomings of any individual test are overcome by the totality of the evidence produced by a multitude of tests examining a broad set of enforcement outcomes.

Boston: Northeastern University, 2023. 44p.

By Matthew B. Ross, Jesse J. Kalinowski, Kenneth Barone

Connecticut’s novel approach to collecting and analyz-ing traffic stop data for evidence of disparate treatment is widely considered to be a model of best practice. Here,we provide an overview of Connecticut’s framework,detail solutions to the canonical empirical challenges of analyzing traffic stops, and describe a data-driven approach to early intervention. Unlike most juris-dictions that simply produce an annual traffic stop report, Connecticut has developed an ongoing system for identifying and mitigating disparity. Connecticut's Framework for identifying significant disparities on an annual basis relies on the so-called “preponderance ofevidence” approach. Drawing from the cutting-edge of the empirical social science literature, this approach applies several, as opposed to a single, rigorous empiri-cal test of disparity. For departments identified as having a disparity, Connecticut has developed a process for intervening on an annual basis. In that process, police administrators engage with researchers to conduct an empirical exploration into possible contributing factors and enforcement policies. In Connecticut, this approach has transformed what had once been a war of anecdotes into a constructive data-driven conversation about policy. Variants of the Connecticut Model have recently been adopted by the State of Rhode Island, Oregon, and California. Connecticut’s approach provides a useful model and policy framework for states and localities conducting disparity studies of police traffic stops

Criminology & Public Policy. 2020;19 pages:1289–1303.

By Madison, Wisconsin Police Department

  In August 2023, Madison City Council passed a resolution authorizing the Implementation of the Body-Worn Camera Experiment Program. The resolution included multiple attachments that provide a history of the body worn cameras (BWC), feasibility reports, example policy, public comments, Alder amendments, legal review, and Chief Barnes’ memo requesting approval to conduct the experiment. The resolution represents a culmination of several years of effort by city residents, staff and alders. The experiment program consisted of technology, research and cost estimates. The technology portion began April 1, 2024, and was completed July 14. The BWC units were worn by officers in the North District. The first two weeks consisted of setting up and assigning units to officers, testing, and training. The use of body worn cameras began in the field on April 15. The BWC units were loaned by MPD’s existing dash camera vendor for the duration of experiment. The research was conducted by an outside researcher; Dr. Broderick Turner at Virginia Tech. Police Director Eleazer Hunt and members of the BWC Committee met with Dr. Turner multiple times to identify needed data and survey questions. This report includes Dr. Turner’s findings (Appendix A) and a budget estimate for implementation (Appendix B). Estimates are based on full deployment of BWC across MPD, the acquisition of hardware, operations/storage needs, peripherals, personnel, and support several years of operation. During the experiment, an interim Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) guided the use of BWC (Appendix C). This SOP is informed by the Police Body-Worn Camera Feasibility Review Committee, MPD’s current SOP for dash cameras and audio microphones , and a review of model policies developed by the International Association of Chiefs of Police and the U.S. Department of Justice. Findings from the experiment: 1- Officers did not change behavior while wearing a BWC 2- Charges were not added when officers reviewed video 3- Technical issues related to battery life and uploading video were evident in the first half of the experiment and resolved 4- Specific situational use of BWC required clarification of the SOP 5- The limitations of the experiment included a short duration, a small number of officers participated, there was limited time for analysis (interviews), and no post-experiment analysis 6- BWC may help with trust building, legitimacy, and transparency  7- Public Records requests impacted staff time to research, redact, and provide videos to requestors  

Madison, WI: City Police Department, 2024. 47p.

By Sayler, Kelley M.

From the document: "Lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS) are a special class of weapon systems that use sensor suites and computer algorithms to independently identify a target and employ an onboard weapon system to engage and destroy the target without manual human control of the system. Although these systems are not yet in widespread development, it is believed they would enable military operations in communications-degraded or -denied environments in which traditional systems may not be able to operate. Contrary to a number of news reports, U.S. policy does not prohibit the development or employment of LAWS. Although the United States is not known to have LAWS in its inventory currently, some senior military and defense leaders have stated that it may be compelled to develop LAWS if U.S. competitors choose to do so. At the same time, many states and nongovernmental organisations are appealing to the international community for regulation of or a ban on LAWS due to ethical concerns. Developments in autonomous weapons technology and international discussions of LAWS could hold implications for congressional oversight, defense investments, military concepts of operations, treaty-making, and the future of war."

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE. Jan. 2025. 3p.

By National Academy of Sciences

From the webpage: "At the request of the National Security Commission on Emerging Biotechnology, Strategic Report on Research and Development in Biotechnology for Defense Innovation provides an overview of the current landscape of artificial intelligence and machine learning (AI/ML)-enabled biotechnology, the opportunities it presents, and the challenges it poses. This report offers a strategic vision for connecting scientists and technologists to build on, leverage, and tailor advances at the intersection of AI/ML, automated experimentation, and biotechnology to drive innovation in defence-related biotechnologies. Strategic Report on Research and Development in Biotechnology for Defense Innovation recommends addressing long-standing challenges with limited research, development, prototyping, testing and evaluation, and eventual use of biotechnologies. Addressing these challenges will help to advance U.S. national security and defence by improving the performance of existing capabilities, enabling the creation of domestic supply chains of valuable products, reducing reliance on processes and chemicals that are harmful to the environment, and/or adding new capabilities not currently possible with established technologies." Contributors include the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; Division on Earth and Life Studies; Board on Life Sciences; and Committee on Biotechnology Capabilities for National Security Needs-Leveraging Advances in Transdisciplinary Biotechnology.

NATIONAL ACADEMIES PRESS (U.S.) 2025. 67p.

By Jerry H. Ratcliffe & Hayley Wight

Objectives

We test the benefit of adding an outreach specialist to a dedicated police team tasked with helping the vulnerable community in the transit system move to treatment or shelter.

Methods

For a year, officer shifts were randomized to determine when they were accompanied by an outreach specialist. One hundred and fifty-eight in-depth treatment conversations regarding treatment or shelter with 165 vulnerable people were assessed for whether they were subsequently transported to a suitable facility.

Results

Likelihood of an individual in a treatment conversation with a specialist and a police officer being transported to a facility was 29% greater than the likelihood for an individual talking with only a police officer; however, this finding was not statistically significant.

Conclusions

With the outcome of getting vulnerable people (mainly people experiencing homelessness) to accept transportation to a shelter or treatment facility, the co-responder model did not significantly outperform the effect of specially trained police officers working independently of the outreach specialist.

Journal of Experimental Criminology, 2024, 19p.

By Rachel Greenspan, Adele Quigley-McBride, Marissa Bluestine, Brandon L. Garrett

Decades of research have explored factors related to eyewitness misidentifications and recommended procedures to maximize identification accuracy. In the current study, we explore whether and how this research has actually been adopted into the formal, written policies of police agencies by evaluating eyewitness identification policies used across all Pennsylvania police agencies. Pennsylvania has a particularly large number of police agencies but no statewide mandates concerning best practices for eyewitness identifications in law or judicial ruling, permitting an examination of how police agencies choose to voluntarily implement eyewitness science in policy. We submitted public records requests to all police agencies in Pennsylvania (N = 1,140)-the most comprehensive study of this kind to date-and received a response rate of over 99%. Nearly two-thirds of agencies did not have a written eyewitness identification policy. Among agencies with a written policy, the content of their policies varied substantially. On average, agencies with a policy incorporated five of the eight recommended procedures studied here (Wells et al., 2020). Though many agencies with a policy had topics relevant to these key evidence-based practices, these policies often failed to incorporate central aspects of these scientific recommendations and most failed to require their use. We discuss the implications of these results for police policy and practice and for how scientific research is translated to criminal justice practitioners.

Duke Law School Public Law & Legal Theory Series No. 2024-63, 56p.

By No Name Kitchen

In the spring of 2020, the pandemic sealed borders and blinded those monitoring human rights violations along the Bosnian-Croatian border. Amid this backdrop, the Croatian authorities seemingly believed they could act with impunity. They were mistaken. NNK’s team activated its local network, connecting with neighbors to identify illegal pushbacks. On May 6th, in Poljana, Bosnia, sources reported a group of people had been forcibly returned, their heads marked with orange crosses. The men had their money, shoes, and mobile phones stolen. The use of spray paint –a religious symbol forced onto these predominantly Muslim men– suggests a disturbing mix of humiliation and psychological warfare. This case marked the beginning of a series of pushbacks involving an alarming level of torture and sadism, disconnected from any genuine border protection or respect for fundamental human rights. Croatian and European authorities have long justified pushbacks, citing bilateral agreements that bypass judicial due process and International Law. Likewise, the use of coercive force has been also legitimized under the guise of maintaining order. However, painting someone’s head with spray paint is neither defensible, legal, nor ethical, as it is robbing people of their phones, shoes, glasses, medicines, and passports and then burning these items in pyres. This is exactly what is happening today. Between October 2023 and August 2024, NNK conducted an extensive field investigation, uncovering evidence of these “burn piles”– secret locations where Croatian border police destroy the personal belongings of people attempting to migrate for a better life. This report compiles the evidence, survivor testimonies, and details the systematic and brutal modus operandi, aiming to push the Croatian administration towards accountability while urging European authorities and civil society to reflect on why would a border agent feel justified in taking a pair of glasses from a teenager fleeing war, leaving him blind in a forest at night, and then tossing those glasses into the flames to convert his hope into ashes? This border regime fails: it punishes the innocent while granting impunity to the undeserving. It is time to react. Time for safe and dignified routes.

Bloody Borders, 2024. 40.p.

=By Beth Redbird and Kat Albrecht

Racial disparity in arresting behavior is not only a concern for people of color; it can delegitimize law enforcement, increase tension between police and citizens, and even increase crime. Efforts at police reform stall, in part because racial disparity in policing was previously unmeasurable. The authors present three new measures of racial disparity in arrest, measured across more than 13,000 agencies nationwide, allowing for reliable analysis of disparity across time and geographic space. They demonstrate that, between 1999 and 2015, while crime rates generally declined, racial disparity in arrest increased substantially. Where the average police agency in 1999 arrested 5.48 Blacks for every White, the 2015 average was 9.25 arrests, nearly twice that. The increase derives largely from disparity in juvenile arrests by urban municipal agencies.

Evanston, IL: Northwestern University, Institute for Policy Research, 2020. 20p.

By Benjamin W. Fisher, Ethan M. Higgins, Aaron Kupchik, Samantha Viano , F. Chris Curran5 , Suzanne Overstreet, Bryant Plumlee , and Brandon Coffey.

Law enforcement officers (often called school resource officers or SROs) are an increasingly common feature in schools across the United States. Although SROs’ roles vary across school contexts, there has been little examination of why. One possible explanation is that SROs perceive threats differently in different school contexts and that the racial composition of schools may motivate these differences. To investigate this possibility, this study analyzes interviews with 73 SROs from two different school districts that encompass schools with a variety of racial compositions. Across both districts, SROs perceived three major categories of threats: student-based, intruder-based, and environment-based threats. However, the focus and perceived severity of the threats varied across districts such that SROs in the district with a larger proportion of White students were primarily concerned about external threats (i.e., intruder-based and environment-based) that might harm the students, whereas SROs in the district with a larger proportion of Black students were primarily concerned with students themselves as threats. We consider how these results relate to understandings of school security, inequality among students, racially disparate experiences with school policing, and school and policing policy

Social Problems, Vol. 69, No. 2, May 2022, 19p.

By Rebecca D. Gleit

This article describes how the use of sworn law enforcement in American schools is patterned by school racial composition. Three distinct measures are constructed using data from the Civil Rights Data Collection and the School Survey on Crime and Safety: police prevalence, the degree of exposure that students have to police officers within their schools, and the roles of officers within those schools. Results show that police have become increasingly prevalent in schools with the largest shares of white students, especially at the elementary level. Yet youth in schools with the most Black, Latinx, and Native American students experience the highest exposure to police, and police in these schools are more frequently directed to carry out punitive tasks such as discipline. Student exposure to police is also relatively common in the whitest schools, but officers in these settings are more often used for tasks unrelated to punishment, such as teaching.

Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World Volume 8:, 2022, 18p.

By Alan Doig, Michael Levi, and Jodie Luker

In 2023, the UK government issued a national Fraud Strategy in response to concerns over increases in reported fraud and the low levels of law enforcement resources available to investigate cases. The Strategy was announced as a fundamental shift in how the government intended to respond to frauds and attempted frauds against individuals. The article focusses on the evidence base that may be assumed to underpin and shape any strategy by assessing and analysing the data what would have been available at the time the Strategy was drafted.The article argues that the Strategy has not taken any time to explore past strategies and any lessons to be learned and nor did it appear to substantively accessed, used, analysed and interpreted the available data, and nor used that data as an evidence base to develop an approach will have to be strategic, prioritised and innovative. The article concludes that, in strategic terms, the Strategy may be unlikely to achieve its objectives.

Security Journal (2025) 38:8

By Gretta L. Goodwin

Technologies such as automated license plate readers and drones can support federal law enforcement activities. However, the use of these technologies in public spaces—where a warrant is not necessarily required prior to use—has led to concerns about how law enforcement is protecting civil rights, civil liberties, and privacy. GAO was asked to review federal law enforcement’s use of detection, observation, and monitoring technologies. This report examines 1) the use of these technologies in public spaces without a warrant by selected DHS law enforcement agencies and 2) the extent to which the agencies have policies to assess the use of technologies for bias and protect privacy. GAO selected CBP, ICE, and the Secret Service within DHS based on various factors, including the large number of law enforcement officers in these agencies. GAO administered a structured questionnaire and reviewed documents, such as technology policies. GAO also interviewed agency officials. What GAO Recommends GAO is making five recommendations including that DHS develop policies and procedures to assess the risks of bias and ensure CBP, ICE and Secret Service implement privacy protections through technology policies. DHS concurred, but ICE and Secret Service described actions they have taken that do not address the recommendations, as discussed.

Washington, DC: U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2024. 54p.

By Dennis Mares and Lindsay Maier 

In 2018 the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department (SLMPD) was awarded a SPI grant aiming to reduce serious crime by deploying mobile surveillance trailers (MST). The targeted crimes include gun violence and theft of and from vehicles. The SPI award funded three mobile surveillance trailers equipped with license plate readers, cameras and gunshot detection. In addition to the three functioning trailers a fourth shell trailer (placebo) was also purchased to examine if any deterrent impact of the trailers is the outcome of enhanced intelligence capacity or whether the mere presence of the units deter crime by themselves. A total of 95 MST deployments occurred in micro hot spots between June 2020 and July 2022. Data from the SLMPDs CAD and RMS systems were collected continuously to explore the impact of the deployments. Final analysis of the data reveals some crime reductions. Crime reductions were noted in several targeted categories, including gunfire, larcenies and motor vehicle thefts. While crime reductions were found for violent crimes, comparable areas also experienced declines. While the SLMPD’s SPI project faced some challenges throughout its run, the project stayed the course and implementation of the project may be considered successful. There are numerous lessons learned from this project, a couple of the key items are highlighted here, but more can be found throughout this report: 1. Deployment of MSTs should be done by a small group of well-trained individuals. SPI trailers were monitored and received regular maintenance, but setup of the specific investigative components (license plate readers, cameras, and gunshot detection) requires specialized knowledge. We therefore recommend that agencies with a substantial number of trailers consider centralizing the deployment and maintenance of the units to minimize technical issues and reduce downtime. Quality of the MST units can be variable. Technical expertise within the department was a critical resource in expediently resolving wiring issues, for example. We recommend that agencies who purchase such units only do so if they have personnel with the technical expertise to handle and fix problems, or have a clear service contract with a vendor. While the vendor was responsive to problems, the vendor was located far from the region, which would delay service for significant issues. 2. Deployment of MSTs can only be adequately measured if units remain in place for some time and are adequately tracked. In other words: moving the units frequently hampers measurement, whereas leaving them in place too long conceivably reduces deterrent impacts. The SPI MSTs were carefully tracked by the RP, but other MSTs the department owned were tracked on a spreadsheet, which is not only time-consuming, but the information can be outdated quickly. During the course of the project the department improved tracking of all the MSTs . We created two ways to track the units, which could easily replicated in other agencies. We recommend that other agencies find similar ways to track the units, either using GPS trackers or within their CAD system. This allows for easier evaluation of crime prevention strategies but also helps with practical issues such as servicing and refueling trailers. 4. Deployment strategies should not just consider the frequency of crime but also the nature of the location. We found, for example, that the bright flashing blue lights on the trailers caused some annoyance among residents of narrow city streets. In addition, we found that automatic pan-tilt-zoom (PTZ) functions of cameras yielded less actionable footage in narrower streets as the cameras often would end up zoomed in on nearby properties thereby missing movement in the street. In short,  features that are often promoted by vendors may not always be useful in all situations. We therefore recommend discussing with vendors the types of locations in which the technology is typically deployed and customize the units to best fit the needs. 5. The SPI trailers were outfitted not only with cameras and license plate readers, but also with gunshot detection. That latter feature proved superfluous. Not only was the gunshot detection feature fairly inaccurate when compared to existing fixed gunshot technology (i.e., ShotSpotter), results indicate that the presence of the units themselves deters gunfire in close proximity (~500 feet) thereby negating any potential benefits gunshot detection system. In short, gunshot detection capability on visually prominent trailers is likely an inefficient and ineffective feature when deployed in most residential streets. In addition, setting up the gunshot detection can be very time-consuming, which in our case had to be redone every deployment. We therefore do not currently recommend adding gunshot detection to highly visible surveillance trailer as the added cost did not improve investigative benefits. 6. Target specific crime problems for reductions. We advise deploying MSTs in the highest crime locations that are difficult to surveil with traditional fixed systems (CCTV). Our results show that the most likely benefits can be gained from sites experiencing high levels of theft and gunfire, with no conclusive evidence that the units reduce serious violent crimes. 7. Crime reductions appear most commonly in only a small band around the units (~500ft), this makes careful placement important. It is also important to recognize that hot spots often may experience ‘regression to the mean’, meaning that crime often fluctuates in micro hot spots, rapidly heating up and quickly cooling down. This makes evaluating efforts difficult as it is easy to read crime reductions as a result of deployments, while in fact, they are simply returning to baseline levels and might have done so without deployment of MSTs. Using consistent criteria for deployment and measurement as well using comparison locations is therefore key to gain more confidence in results and minimize false conclusions. 8. Support of SLMPD personnel for MSTs became more prominent during the project. Survey results indicate that there was broad support for technology in the department, and especially for technologies that may aid investigations. Awareness of MSTs and their capacities grew substantially as the department expanded its use. 8. Finally and importantly, while it is relatively easy to measure crime at MST sites, it proved extremely difficult to measure how the units enhance intelligence gathering capacity. We encourage agencies to find ways to determine how MSTs and other technologies contribute to solving and prosecuting offenses. With growing public scrutiny of surveillance technology, it is even more important to develop best practices that can most accurately assess the cost-benefits of the technology.

Edwardsville, IL: Southern Illinois University Edwardsville, 2022. 46p.

By United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division and United States Attorney’s Office District of Massachusetts

The Department of Justice (DOJ) opened an investigation of the Worcester Police Department (WPD) and the City of Worcester (City) on November 15, 2022. Based on this investigation, DOJ has reasonable cause to believe that WPD and the City engage in a pattern or practice of conduct that deprives people of their rights under the Constitution and federal law. First, WPD uses excessive force. Second, WPD engages in outrageous government conduct by permitting undercover officers to participate in sexual contact with women suspected of being involved in the commercial sex trade. FINDINGS The Department of Justice has reasonable cause to believe that the Worcester Police Department and the City of Worcester engage in a pattern or practice of conduct that deprives people of their rights under the Constitution and federal law: • WPD uses excessive force that violates the Fourth Amendment. Officers unreasonably deploy Tasers, use police dogs, and strike people in the head. Officers rapidly escalate minor incidents by using more force than necessary, including during encounters with people who have behavioral health disabilities or are in crisis. • WPD engages in outrageous government conduct that violates the constitutional rights of women suspected of being involved in the commercial sex trade by engaging in sexual contact during undercover operations. This violates the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause. WPD’s inadequate policies, training, supervision, investigations, and discipline fostered these unlawful patterns or practices. This investigation also raises serious concerns that WPD officers have sexually assaulted women under threat of arrest and engaged in other problematic sexual conduct. WPD lacks the policies and practices needed to adequately address reports of sexual assault by non-officers as well, raising concerns about gender discrimination. In addition, the investigation raises serious concerns that WPD’s enforcement practices may result in discriminatory policing against Hispanic and Black people, whom WPD disproportionately warns, cites, arrests, and subjects to force. DOJ does not find at this time that these racial disparities amount to an unlawful pattern or practice of racial discrimination. However, WPD should collect and assess data about its practices and take steps to ensure they do not have an unlawful discriminatory effect. Worcester’s law enforcement professionals work hard to keep the public safe, often under difficult conditions. We commend those who dedicate their professional lives to serving the community. We also commend WPD and the City for implementing some reforms while this investigation was pending, including adopting body-worn cameras and creating a Policy Review Committee that solicits public comment on WPD policies. However, remedying the problems identified through this investigation will require more. DOJ expects to work constructively with WPD and the City to implement the reforms necessary to address the unlawful conduct outlined in this report.

Washington, DC: United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division, 2024. 43p.

By Jess Keller

The Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security released a new report today on the widespread use of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) and its devastating impacts on individuals and communities, which can last generations and undermine peace and security efforts.

Sexual violence is used as a weapon of war by combatants in conflict situations worldwide, decimating societies and fueling displacement. It remains a silent crime, with an estimated 80 percent of cases in conflict settings going unreported.

This fall, GIWPS convened leaders from Ukraine, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Colombia to share lessons learned for responding to the global scourge of CRSV. Drawing on their insights, this report presents actionable policy recommendations for key stakeholders to hold perpetrators accountable, meet survivor needs, and follow through on their commitments to deliver justice. The report, authored by Jess Keller, was made possible with support from the Embassy of Germany in Washington, D.C.

Key Recommendations

“Pathways to Justice and Accountability for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence: Lessons Learned and Policy Recommendations from the Frontlines” outlines detailed actions for the international community to hold perpetrators of CRSV accountable and meet survivors’ needs. Recommendations include:

Provide urgent survivor-centered medical and psychosocial services that include health care, legal assistance, and psychosocial support and address intersectional needs.

Co-create evidence-collection and documentation processes with survivors; prioritize data security and confidentiality; and train health workers, community leaders, police officers, judges, prosecutors, and qualified psychologists to minimize the risk of re-traumatization.

Challenge shame and transform stigma by amplifying survivor voices and leveraging community leadership.

Pursue criminal justice and accountability by strengthening national and subnational justice mechanisms, granting legal recognition to survivors, and utilizing sanctions to clearly and publicly condemn perpetrators and enablers.

Prioritize interim and comprehensive reparations to provide support, recognition, and compensation to survivors that address both immediate needs and post-conflict recovery.

Washington, DC: Georgetown University, Institute for Women, Peace and Security , 2024. 20p.

By Holly Bird, Jodie Bradshaw, Roger Grimshaw, Habib Kadiri and Helen Mills

The Labour government came into office earlier this year, with an ambitious ‘aim to halve knife crime in a decade’. Early moves have included, in September, the launch of a ‘Coalition to Tackle Knife Crime’, aiming, as the press release put it, to ‘bring together campaign groups, families of people who have tragically lost their lives to knife crime, young people who have been impacted and community leaders, united in their mission to save lives and make Britain a safer place for the next generation’. This was followed, in November, with proposals to fine senior executives of online companies if they market illegal weapons, along with moves to ban the sale of so-called ninja swords. The government is also proposing both ‘rapid intervention and tough consequences’ for those caught in possession of a knife and a network of ‘Young Futures hubs’, to improve access to support for young people at risk of criminalisation. The second of these proposals, which prioritise prevention and support for young people at risk, has a strong evidence-based underpinning it. ‘Decades of research and evidence gathering’, this briefing points out, ‘has shown that the drivers of serious violence are insecure employment prospects, poverty, substance misuse, mental health issues, volatile drug markets, experience of violence’. The same cannot be said of the ‘rapid intervention and tough consequences’ proposals, which tend to prioritise often short-term enforcement over longer-term prevention. One recent example of such action, the subject of this briefing, is the Serious Violence Reduction Order (SVRO), currently being piloted in four police areas in England. At its simplest, the imposition of an SVRO on an individual in effect gives the police carte blanche to stop and search them, at any time and in any place, and without the police having to demonstrate ‘reasonable suspicion’. Previous research on so-called suspicion-less stops and searches, cited in this briefing, found no evidence that they had any impact on the levels of violent crime. Indeed, there is scant evidence that stop and search in general has much of an impact on underlying crime levels (Bradford and Tiratelli, 2019). This is not an argument for no police enforcement. The police clearly perform important public order functions. But it is an argument for the importance of effective, evidenced-based policing. The roll-out of the SVRO pilots are shrouded in secrecy, with information hard to come by. While they are subject of an evaluation, there are some questions over whether it will provide the rigorous evidence of impact (or not) required, or, indeed, whether it will ever be published.

London: Centre for Crime and Justice Studies , 2024. 18p.