By United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division and United States Attorney’s Office District of Massachusetts

The Department of Justice (DOJ) opened an investigation of the Worcester Police Department (WPD) and the City of Worcester (City) on November 15, 2022. Based on this investigation, DOJ has reasonable cause to believe that WPD and the City engage in a pattern or practice of conduct that deprives people of their rights under the Constitution and federal law. First, WPD uses excessive force. Second, WPD engages in outrageous government conduct by permitting undercover officers to participate in sexual contact with women suspected of being involved in the commercial sex trade. FINDINGS The Department of Justice has reasonable cause to believe that the Worcester Police Department and the City of Worcester engage in a pattern or practice of conduct that deprives people of their rights under the Constitution and federal law: • WPD uses excessive force that violates the Fourth Amendment. Officers unreasonably deploy Tasers, use police dogs, and strike people in the head. Officers rapidly escalate minor incidents by using more force than necessary, including during encounters with people who have behavioral health disabilities or are in crisis. • WPD engages in outrageous government conduct that violates the constitutional rights of women suspected of being involved in the commercial sex trade by engaging in sexual contact during undercover operations. This violates the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause. WPD’s inadequate policies, training, supervision, investigations, and discipline fostered these unlawful patterns or practices. This investigation also raises serious concerns that WPD officers have sexually assaulted women under threat of arrest and engaged in other problematic sexual conduct. WPD lacks the policies and practices needed to adequately address reports of sexual assault by non-officers as well, raising concerns about gender discrimination. In addition, the investigation raises serious concerns that WPD’s enforcement practices may result in discriminatory policing against Hispanic and Black people, whom WPD disproportionately warns, cites, arrests, and subjects to force. DOJ does not find at this time that these racial disparities amount to an unlawful pattern or practice of racial discrimination. However, WPD should collect and assess data about its practices and take steps to ensure they do not have an unlawful discriminatory effect. Worcester’s law enforcement professionals work hard to keep the public safe, often under difficult conditions. We commend those who dedicate their professional lives to serving the community. We also commend WPD and the City for implementing some reforms while this investigation was pending, including adopting body-worn cameras and creating a Policy Review Committee that solicits public comment on WPD policies. However, remedying the problems identified through this investigation will require more. DOJ expects to work constructively with WPD and the City to implement the reforms necessary to address the unlawful conduct outlined in this report.

Washington, DC: United States Department of Justice Civil Rights Division, 2024. 43p.

By Holly Bird, Jodie Bradshaw, Roger Grimshaw, Habib Kadiri and Helen Mills

The Labour government came into office earlier this year, with an ambitious ‘aim to halve knife crime in a decade’. Early moves have included, in September, the launch of a ‘Coalition to Tackle Knife Crime’, aiming, as the press release put it, to ‘bring together campaign groups, families of people who have tragically lost their lives to knife crime, young people who have been impacted and community leaders, united in their mission to save lives and make Britain a safer place for the next generation’. This was followed, in November, with proposals to fine senior executives of online companies if they market illegal weapons, along with moves to ban the sale of so-called ninja swords. The government is also proposing both ‘rapid intervention and tough consequences’ for those caught in possession of a knife and a network of ‘Young Futures hubs’, to improve access to support for young people at risk of criminalisation. The second of these proposals, which prioritise prevention and support for young people at risk, has a strong evidence-based underpinning it. ‘Decades of research and evidence gathering’, this briefing points out, ‘has shown that the drivers of serious violence are insecure employment prospects, poverty, substance misuse, mental health issues, volatile drug markets, experience of violence’. The same cannot be said of the ‘rapid intervention and tough consequences’ proposals, which tend to prioritise often short-term enforcement over longer-term prevention. One recent example of such action, the subject of this briefing, is the Serious Violence Reduction Order (SVRO), currently being piloted in four police areas in England. At its simplest, the imposition of an SVRO on an individual in effect gives the police carte blanche to stop and search them, at any time and in any place, and without the police having to demonstrate ‘reasonable suspicion’. Previous research on so-called suspicion-less stops and searches, cited in this briefing, found no evidence that they had any impact on the levels of violent crime. Indeed, there is scant evidence that stop and search in general has much of an impact on underlying crime levels (Bradford and Tiratelli, 2019). This is not an argument for no police enforcement. The police clearly perform important public order functions. But it is an argument for the importance of effective, evidenced-based policing. The roll-out of the SVRO pilots are shrouded in secrecy, with information hard to come by. While they are subject of an evaluation, there are some questions over whether it will provide the rigorous evidence of impact (or not) required, or, indeed, whether it will ever be published.

London: Centre for Crime and Justice Studies , 2024. 18p.

By Erin Hammers Forstag, Rapporteur; Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education; National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine

Predictive policing strategies are approaches that use data to attempt to predict either individuals who are likely to commit crime or places where crime is likely to be committed, to enable crime prevention. To explore law enforcement's use of person-based and place-based predictive policing strategies, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine held a two-day public workshop on June 24 and 25, 2024.

National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2024. 14 pages

By Emily Owens and Emily Hope Anderson

We analyze 2.3 million stops made by the California Highway Patrol (CHP) in 2022 to better understand who is being stopped (or helped in non-enforcement stops), if there are racial and ethnic disparities in who is being stopped, and suggest possible strategies the CHP could use to reduce unwarranted disparities in stops while also promoting public safety. KEY FINDINGS: 1. As compared to 2019, there were fewer enforcement and non-enforcement stops made by the CHP in 2022. This is likely driven by changes in the number of California drivers and their behavior or by the number of CHP Officers, rather than a reduction in CHP enforcement effort. 2. The overall size of Black-White and Hispanic-White disparities in stop rates, benchmarked to non-enforcement stops, is about the same as it was in 2019. This is true both state-wide, and within individual CHP Divisions. 3. In 2022, CHP Officers were more likely to stop Black or Hispanic people for moving violations than White people. A Veil of Darkness test also suggests the potential presence of bias in stops for moving violations. 4. In 2022, 21% of the traffic enforcement stops made by the CHP were for non-moving violations. These stops for non-moving violations led to 35% of all serious contraband seizures by CHP Officers and 12% of DUI arrests. Officers are more likely to discover serious narcotics in searches following non-moving violations than in searches following moving violations. 5. Black-White and Hispanic-White disparities in stop rates for non-moving violations made a small contribution to overall disparities in stops rates. If the CHP did not make any stops for non-moving violations in 2022, Black-White disparities in stop rates would have been 2.9% lower, and Hispanic-White disparities would have been 2.2% lower.  RECOMMENDATIONS: 1. The CHP should consider further investigation into the quantity and specific type of contraband seized when conducting searches; this information is currently not included in RIPA data. This would allow for a more formal cost-benefit analysis of making stops for non-moving violations. 2. The CHP may want to consider increased use of technology in making stops for moving violations. Statistical tests suggest that stops made where speed information is gathered by radar, lidar, or airplane, are less likely to involve nonWhite drivers than stops made when a CHP Officer collects speed information by driving alongside or behind the potentially speeding car.   

Berkeley: California Policy Lab, 2024. 56p.

By the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP)

In the summer of 2024, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) surveyed its member agencies to better understand the challenges police agencies are facing regarding recruitment and retention. The IACP received responses from 1,158 U.S. agencies. More than 80% of these respondents were from local municipal police agencies. Highlights from the survey results include RECRUITMENT – More than 70% of respondents reported that recruitment is more difficult now than five years ago. On average, agencies are operating at approximately 91% of their authorized staffing levels, indicating a nearly 10% deficit. HIRING PROCESSES – In response to recruitment challenges, about 75% of respondents reported making policy and procedural changes to enhance recruitment and retention. Such changes include loosened restrictions on tattoos, facial hair, and appearance; increased investment in recruitment efforts; and increases in salary. Many agencies also tried to simplify the hiring process. Most agencies are now able to extend a job offer within three months of a candidate’s application. RETENTION – Respondents indicated that resignation is most likely within the first five years of hire, and that retaining officers during the recruit/training phase may be more challenging than retaining officers long-term. Moving to another agency for higher salary was the reason most commonly cited for voluntary resignation. Retirements also seem to be increasing due to both the large number of officers hired in the 1990s now reaching retirement eligibility and officers’ unwillingness to work beyond immediate retirement eligibility. OPERATIONS – About 65% of respondents reported that they had reduced services or specialized units because of staffing challenges, prioritizing essential patrol functions over specialized assignments. SUCCESS STORIES – Agencies also reported some success in improving recruitment and retention through intentional strategies. These included creating new pathways for young people to become police officers, emphasizing a healthy organizational culture, prioritizing employee health and wellness, and investing in the professional growth and development of employees. CUSTOMIZED SOLUTIONS – What some agencies saw as a detriment or challenge, other agencies leveraged as an asset. Responses made clear that what works for one agency may not work for another, and a variety of factors must be considered in creating an effective police recruitment and retention strategy. These conclusions are detailed along with supporting evidence from the survey responses in the report that follows.   

Alexandria, VA:  International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) ,2024. 28p.

By  Arron Lewis Cullen

Established news organizations have covered crime and law enforcement news for centuries. As a result, it should come as no surprise that the media is frequently the source from which the public learns the most about police activity in their communities. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate police social media activities and organizational structures to acquire a better understanding of how the police present themselves on digital platforms. Contributions to the field of police communications, specifically to the rapidly expanding field of police and social media studies, are made throughout this thesis. The conceptual framework of this research draws upon police image work, elements of community policing, and the digital society we live in. Through a pragmatic mixed methods approach, three empirical studies come together to contribute knowledge that does not currently exist regarding police forces in England and Wales. Data analyzed stems from the Twitter platform, interviews with communication experts, and a national survey of police forces. The research argues that police communications have gone through significant changes over the past decade, shifting from professionalization to the digitalization of police image work. The findings indicate that police communications have expanded and provide new opportunities to show the human side of policing through creative content. While police forces continue to be cautious, the study outcomes indicate that digital channels are vital for operational policing and enhancing customer service-related duties. However, opportunities for interactions within digital communities remain an area for development. Overall, this thesis provides an exploratory investigation into police social media activities, contributing to the existing knowledge base by demonstrating why digital society has changed how police forces carry out image work and community policing practices.   

Cardiff:  School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, 2022. 294p.

By Michael Heise and Jason P. Nance

Nationwide calls to “Defund the Police,” largely attributable to the resurgent Black Lives Matter demonstrations, have motivated derivative calls for public school districts to consider “defunding” (or modifying) school resource officer (“SRO/police”) programs. To be sure, a school’s SRO/police presence—and the size of that presence—may influence the school’s student discipline reporting policies and practices. How schools report student discipline and whether that reporting involves referrals to law enforcement agencies matters, particularly as reports may fuel a growing “school-to-prison pipeline.” The school-to-prison pipeline research literature features two general claims that frame debates about changes in how public schools approach student discipline and the growing number of calls for schools to defund SRO/police programs. One claim is that public schools’ increasingly “legalized” approach toward student discipline increases the likelihood that students will be thrust into the criminal justice system. A second distributional claim is that these adverse consequences disproportionately involve students of color, boys, students from low-income households, and other vulnerable student sub-groups. Both claims implicate important legal and policy dimensions, as students’ adverse interactions with law enforcement agencies typically impose negative consequences on students and their futures. We study both claims using the nation’s leading data set on public school crime and safety, supplemented by data on state-level mandatory reporting requirements and district-level per pupil spending, and explore three distinct analytic approaches in an effort to assess the independent influence of a school’s SRO/police presence on that school’s student discipline reporting behavior. Results from our analyses provide mixed support for the two claims. We find that a school’s SRO/police presence corresponds with an increased likelihood that the school will report student incidents to law enforcement agencies. However, we do not find support in the school-level data for the distributional claim.

111 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 717 (2021).

By Vania Ceccato and Andy Newton

This book offers a comprehensive overview of areas with elevated levels of crime, which we consider ‘risky places.’ These can be facilities, nodes, or paths and can be found everywhere, from small towns to megacities. Crime and fear are examined from the perspective of those who use these places, based on examples from the US, the UK, Sweden, Nigeria, Brazil, China, Australia, and more. Advocating for a systems thinking approach, the book shows what can be learned from risky places and identifies ways to address their inherent problems. The book also assesses current barriers to applying systems thinking and identifies ways to foster interconnected long-term crime prevention strategies that meet the diverse needs of multiple stakeholders. Aimed at academics, students, and professionals in urban planning, criminology, geography, and related fields, this book is a vital resource for those dedicated to creating safer, more inclusive, and sustainable environments.

London; New York: Routledge, 2025. 

By Ben Grunwald

Beginning in 2020, law enforcement experts widely claimed that a surge in police separations triggered a national retention crisis and that political activism after George Floyd's murder was a principal cause. We lack data, however, to track such trends in the national police labor market. Using information from Police Officer Safety and Training (POST) agencies, I construct an Interstate Police Employment Database (IPED) on every job held by every officer in all 6,800 local law enforcement agencies across fifteen states that, together, cover half the U.S. population. I then conduct the largest empirical study of the law enforcement labor market to date. My findings show that the increase in separations in IPED agencies after the summer of 2020 was smaller, later, less sudden, and possibly less pervasive than the retention-crisis narrative suggests. All told, the cumulative impact on the labor force by the end of 2021 was just 1%. Aggregate figures, however, mask variation at the agency level. As I show, a substantial minority of large agencies meaningfully shrank by the end of 2021. I also provide evidence that local political activism cannot explain local separation rates, raising some doubt about whether the protests were a principal cause of rising turnover.

Duke Law School Public Law & Legal Theory Series No. 2024-41

By Nick Cowen

This chapter discusses what crime is, why it provokes government action and the problems of both private and public approaches to crime prevention. For classical liberals, crime is deliberate or reckless harm imposed on persons and their property through violence or deception. Besides violating people’s interests as moral equals, crime weighs heavily on commercial societies as it raises the costs of production, trade, and exchange with strangers. Crime is a significant challenge because it is: a) a disequilibrium phenomenon resulting from an information asymmetry between potential victim and offender; b) imposes externalities on the community that are hard for isolated actors to internalize; c) frequently causes more harm than apprehended offenders could realistically compensate. Private crime prevention strategies use insurance, security, reputation, and bargaining with potential offenders to face this challenge. The success of private crime prevention is often underrated. Nevertheless, only capable states have so far managed to reduce violent crime to low levels by historical standards. State solutions bring their problems as they allow for predation and the imposition of externalities through the ‘legitimate’ political process.  

Forthcoming, 2024.

By Steve Kirkwood

Mentoring is an increasingly popular approach for supporting people who have a history of offending. Previous research provides some evidence that it may contribute to reductions in offending behavior and support desistance from crime. The present study analyzed interviews with 33 people who used mentoring services in Scotland to examine the relationships between mentoring, motivation, and desistance. The findings suggest that the offer of mentoring may translate a general desire to change into motivation by providing the means to achieve this change. Mentoring may help people develop ‘hooks for change’ through practical assistance that leads to positive changes and by encouraging people to see the value of such changes. Mentors can also model ways of being that outline possible future selves and services can be structured in pro-social activities that support stakes in conformity. The article contributes to theoretical understandings of motivation and desistance by specifying the interplay of agency and structure.

Criminology & Criminal JusticeVolume 23, Issue 2, April 2023, Pages 183-199

By Ben Grunwald

Beginning in 2020, law enforcement experts widely claimed that a surge in police separations triggered a national retention crisis and that political activism after George Floyd's murder was a principal cause. We lack data, however, to track such trends in the national police labor market. Using information from Police Officer Safety and Training (POST) agencies, I constructed an Interstate Police Employment Database (IPED) on every job held by every officer in all 6,800 local law enforcement agencies across fifteen states that, together, cover half the U.S. population. I then conduct the largest empirical study of the law enforcement labor market to date. My findings show that the increase in separations in IPED agencies after the summer of 2020 was smaller, later, less sudden, and possibly less pervasive than the retention-crisis narrative suggests. All told, the cumulative impact on the labor force by the end of 2021 was just 1%. Aggregate figures, however, mask variation at the agency level. As I show, a substantial minority of large agencies meaningfully shrank by the end of 2021. I also provide evidence that local political activism cannot explain local separation rates, raising some doubt about whether the protests were a principal cause of rising turnover.

Duke Law School Public Law & Legal Theory Series No. 2024-41

By Kristi Barksdale and Tully Yount

Since December 2018, the National Sheriffs’ Association (NSA) and the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) have been hosting and actively participating in meetings with border sheriffs to discuss their unique needs and challenges. The purpose of these meetings was to provide the NSA, the COPS Office, and other DOJ stakeholders with a better understanding of border security needs and to identify gaps for personnel and equipment, as well as training and technical assistance. More than 130 people participated in three roundtable and focus group discussions. The first meeting, held in December 2018 in Rockwall, Texas, featured a roundtable of Texas sheriffs discussing their need for support and equipment needs, funding opportunities, personnel shortages, and operational control. Promising practices discussed included an introduction to the North Texas Criminal Interdiction Unit (NTXCIU). Continuing the conversations, the NSA and the COPS Office called on the Southwestern Border Sheriffs’ Coalition (SWBSC) to participate in two focus group sessions facilitated by NSA, the COPS Office, and CNA on next steps. The first focus group session took place during the Western State Sheriffs’ Association meeting in Reno, Nevada, and the second, in which the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) also took part, at the SWBSC annual conference in Del Rio, Texas. They continued the discussion of the DOJ and DHS’s commitment to supporting sheriffs. Federal representatives presented on initiatives and projects being deployed to meet the needs of sheriffs. Throughout these meetings, border sheriffs made it clear that they were facing a number of challenges. Participating sheriffs agreed that they could always use more training and would continue to accept any training opportunities that were made available. They responded well to the NTXCIU presentations where they gained knowledge on basic criminal interdiction and how to build a criminal interdiction unit. Participants also discussed their need for more technology, such as automatic license plate readers and x-ray machines. To allow sheriffs who had not participated in the roundtables an opportunity to voice their needs, the NSA, in coordination with the COPS Office, sent a needs assessment to northern and southwestern border sheriffs to gather a comprehensive list.  

Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services , 2020. 28p.

By The International Association of Chiefs of Police.

Published by the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS), this publication discusses peer support as an important part of an officer wellness strategy. Employees may feel more comfortable initially seeking support from a peer who understands the context and has experienced the same stressors. This guide provides a road map for small and rural law enforcement agencies implementing or enhancing peer support services. It highlights promising practices and provides brief case studies of peer support programs in three small or rural agencies. Topics include establishing trust and buy-in; identifying, training, and supporting team members and leaders; confidentiality; local and regional partnerships; and evaluation metrics.

Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Published 2023 ..32p.

By  Michael Vitoroulis, Cameron McEllhiney, Liana Perez

In the 2010s, viral videos of seemingly routine police encounters depicting tragedy have sent shockwaves through both communities and law enforcement agencies across the country, setting off a national conversation on the relationship communities have with law enforcement. At the national level, these encounters have coincided with reduced public confidence in American policing, particularly among youth and minority populations.  While low levels of trust have existed in certain communities throughout history, the most recent wave of high-profile incidents has prompted widespread calls to meaningfully address issues of community concern, such as officer-involved shootings and excessive force, discriminatory policing, aggressive crime fighting strategies, and accountability for misconduct. Across the nation, law enforcement leaders, academics, and government officials have seemingly reached a consensus that addressing such issues with a focus on public trust and legitimacy is integral to fair and effective public safety in an increasingly diverse nation. The response by governments, law enforcement executives, community groups, and technical advisors to the challenge of mending police-community relations has been significant. In the aftermath of unrest in Ferguson, Missouri, and elsewhere, then President Barack Obama established the Task Force on 21st Century Policing to identify policing practices that promote public safety and build community trust in law enforcement. The Final Report of the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, published in May 2015, offered several recommendations, including many relating to public trust, procedural justice, and legitimacy; accountability and transparency; community policing efforts; and the inclusion of community members in policy development, training programs, and review of force incidents. In addition, the task force’s report recommended that civilian oversight of law enforcement be established in accordance with the needs of the community and input from local law enforcement stakeholders. Civilian oversight of law enforcement can contribute significantly to the implementation and institutionalization of many of the task force’s recommendations and further the development of public trust, legitimacy, cooperation, and collaboration necessary to improve police-community relations and enhance public safety. Community efforts to address the issue of police-community relations increasingly include civilian oversight of law enforcement as a means of building trust. Traditionally, high-profile incidents have spawned the creation of new or strengthened civilian oversight.  However, decision makers in jurisdictions throughout the country are increasingly establishing civilian oversight proactively in recognition of its ability to promote public trust in law enforcement and reduce exposure to the risks of misconduct. At its core, civilian oversight can be broadly defined as the independent, external, and ongoing review of a law enforcement agency and its operations by individuals outside of the law enforcement agency being overseen. Civilian oversight may entail, but is not limited to, the independent investigation of complaints alleging officer misconduct, auditing or monitoring various aspects of the overseen law enforcement agency, analyzing patterns or trends in activity, issuing public reports, and issuing recommendations on discipline, training, policies, and procedures. Taken together, these functions can promote greater law enforcement accountability, increased transparency, positive organizational change, and improved responsiveness to community needs and concerns. By acting as an independent and neutral body reviewing the work of the law enforcement agency and its sworn staff, civilian oversight of law enforcement offers a unique element of legitimacy that internal accountability and review mechanisms simply cannot. Because civilian oversight agencies operate outside of the overseen law enforcement agency, and report to local stakeholders outside of its chain of command, the findings and reports of an oversight agency are free from the real or perceived biases that are often the source of mistrust in a law enforcement agency’s internal systems. Similarly, a civilian oversight agency’s impartiality, neutrality, and adherence to findings of fact can alleviate officer skepticism in internal systems and bolster procedural fairness within the law enforcement agency as a whole. The organizational structure and authority of civilian oversight agencies in the United States varies widely. While civilian oversight agencies can be broadly categorized into review-focused, investigation-focused, or auditor/monitor-focused models, no two oversight agencies are exactly alike. There is no one-size-fits-all approach that makes one form of civilian oversight better than another.6 Effective civilian oversight systems will reflect the particular needs of their local partners and incorporate feedback from community members, law enforcement and their unions, and government stakeholders in order to achieve the most sustainable and appropriate structure. As the field of civilian oversight grows in sophistication, many cities are combining various aspects of traditional oversight models to produce “hybrid” forms best suited for their local context. 

While the establishment of civilian oversight alone cannot restore law enforcement’s legitimacy, it is difficult, if not impossible, to maintain public trust without it. As such, developing effective and adequately resourced civilian oversight is among the several strategies that must be employed to rebuild community relations with law enforcement. This report is intended to provide the reader with the information necessary to better understand civilian oversight, its principles, and its history; discuss effective practices; and guide communities in the establishment of sustainable civilian oversight mechanisms. The first half of this report provides a brief overview of the history of civilian oversight, the features of traditional oversight models, and original insights on trends and developments on the current state of the field. This includes information on the geography of civilian oversight, patterns in oversight agency functions and authority, oversight staffing and resourcing, oversight agency access to department records and information, and developments in community outreach functions performed by oversight agencies across the country. This information is intended to fill existing gaps in the literature on civilian oversight and provide stakeholders with a broader understanding of the contemporary civilian oversight landscape. The second half of this report focuses on the principles that underlie effective civilian oversight and the recommended practices that bolster an oversight agency’s ability to adhere to these principles. In total, this report offers 73 recommendations across 16 core areas of civilian oversight, such as independence, access to information, processing and managing complaints, analyzing law enforcement policies and data, issuing public reports, evaluating a civilian oversight agency, and performing community outreach. These recommendations have been developed with input from seasoned oversight professionals throughout the country and include commentary as well as additional references that can assist in their implementation. While these recommendations do not cover all aspects of civilian oversight, stakeholders should take them into consideration and determine their propriety in their local contexts. As a whole, this report is one of many ongoing efforts to expand and improve civilian oversight of law enforcement throughout the country. Moving forward, additional research and resources from a variety of sources are still necessary to develop further guidance and understanding of this rapidly growing and evolving field.    

Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2021. 176p.

By Thomas C. O’Brien, Tracey L. Meares, and Tom R. Tyler

When police officers harm civilians, police leadership almost invariably makes a public statement about the incident, and these communications usually address issues of public mistrust in the police. In addressing public mistrust, political pressures may motivate police leadership to avoid acknowledging the role of police in creating that distrust. The study reported in this article examines the consequences of avoiding versus acknowledging responsibility for the role of police in creating mistrust, along with issuing an apology or not issuing an apology, in public statements. How do these various kinds of gestures shape public cooperation with police? This study reports on an experiment designed to answer that question, with our analysis focusing on the impact of these various kinds of statements on the people who are least likely to trust police. The evidence suggests that police leaders should combine acknowledgement of responsibility for the mistrust with an apology if they want to enlist the cooperation of people who are least likely to trust the police.

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social ScienceVolume 687, Issue 1, January 2020, Pages 202-215

By Kirsteen Grant, Britta Heidl,  Christof Backhaus,  Diane Vincent,

This research compares the ‘work’ and ‘workplace’ expectations of probationers (new recruits) and early career officers (with up to two years of experience) with the lived experiences of established police officers (with three or more years of experience). It examines the extent to which the expectations of early career officers are realistic, understood, and are being fulfilled for established officers. The wellbeing and retention of police officers are of key concern to Police Scotland. Providing an in-depth examination of the reasons behind turnover intention (desire to leave) and, importantly, the retention factors that might encourage officers to remain within Police Scotland is the driving force behind this research. The research is broadly structured around four antecedents, or themes: police culture and work environment; management and leadership; training and career progression; and wellbeing and work-life balance. Drawing on psychological contract theory as an analytical lens, it focuses on the implications and consequences for officers’ job satisfaction, engagement, and turnover intention (i.e., retention factors). All empirical data were collected within Police Scotland. The methodology consisted of a sequential mixed methods approach, with qualitative data firstly generated from 32 interviews (15 probationers and 17 established officers), followed by a quantitative survey of 1,297 police officers. By comparing new and early career officers’ expectations with the lived experiences of established officers, this report shines a light on several areas of dissonance that Police Scotland should be cognisant of. Probationers’ hopes for the job were geared around having a challenging, rewarding, and varied role in which they can ‘make a difference’, where they are treated inclusively and with respect, and where they have opportunities to develop, grow and progress. Yet, on average, established officers reflected that their job has not fully measured up to the job they envisaged, and a substantial share of respondents (45%) indicated that with hindsight they would not choose to become a police officer again. Where the eventual job does not match up to high initial expectations, current probationers and early career officers are at greater risk of voluntary turnover. The report aims to inform future Human Resource policy and practices to shape the work and workplace expectations and lived experiences of police officers. Police Scotland should take account of the changing needs and work and workplace expectations of a new generation of police officers when developing the next iteration of its People Strategy, including its approach to strategic organisational and culture development. The report makes seven specific recommendations to Police Scotland.

Edinburgh: Copyright © 2024 Scottish Institute for Policing Research, 2024. 52p.

By Steve Yeong

Background

The Suspect Target Management Plan (STMP) is a New South Wales Police Force initiative designed to reduce crime among high risk individuals through proactive policing. There are two types of STMP: STMP-II, which was introduced in May 2005 and aims to reduce general offending; and DV-STMP, which was introduced in October 2015 and aims to reduce domestic violence related offending.
The objective of the present study is to determine: (1) whether these programs reduce crime; (2) how these programs reduce crime (i.e., through deterrence or incapacitation); (3) to determine whether (1) and (2) differ for juveniles or Aboriginal people.

Key findings

This study compared the outcomes of individuals in the 12 months before and after placement on STMP-II (n=10,106) and DV-STMP (n=1,028). The investigation of STMP-II focuses on a subset of violent and property crimes to avoid reporting/detection bias. The investigation of DV-STMP focuses on domestic violence related crimes since they are the focus of the program. These crimes are, however, likely to be influenced by reporting bias. Due to methodological constraints, caution is recommended when interpreting the non-causal, associative estimates reported in this bulletin.

The findings can be summarised as follows:

STMP-II is associated with large, practically and statistically significant reductions in property crime.DV-STMP is associated with large, practically and statistically significant reductions in domestic violence related crime.Although STMP-II is associated with an increased risk of imprisonment, the association between STMP-II and crime is likely driven by deterrence, not incapacitation.DV-STMP is not associated with an increased risk of imprisonment.The reduction in crime associated with STMP-II for juveniles is larger than it is for adults.The increase in the risk of a prison sentence associated with STMP-II is smaller for juveniles relative to adults.The reduction in crime associated with STMP-II for Aboriginal people is smaller than it is for non-Aboriginal people.The increase in the risk of a prison sentence associated with STMP-II is larger for Aboriginal people relative to non-Aboriginal people. Although STMP-II is associated with an increased risk of a prison sentence for juveniles and Aboriginal people, the association between STMP-II and crime is likely driven by deterrence.

Conclusion

Both STMP-II and DV-STMP are associated with a reduction in crime. The findings suggest that any crime reduction benefit for both programs is likely due to deterrence rather than incapacitation. These claims are also true for juveniles and Aboriginal Australians.

(Crime and Justice Bulletin No. 233 revised). Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research. 2021. 33p.

By Barbara A. Fedders

Police officers have become permanent fixtures in public schools. The sharp increase in the number of school police officers over the last twenty years has generated a substantial body of critical legal scholarship. Critics question whether police make students safer. They argue that any safety benefits must be weighed against the significant role the police play in perpetuating a school-to-prison pipeline that funnels Black and Brown students and students with disabilities out of schools and into courts, jails, and prisons. In suggesting remedies for this problem, commentators have proposed several regulatory fixes. These include changes to the standards for evaluating students’ claims of constitutional rights violations, specialized police trainings, and voluntary agreements between law enforcement agencies and school districts that circumscribe the role of school police. Thus far, however, legal scholars have focused primarily on the “how” of school policing, eschewing the logically prior normative question of whether there should be police in schools at all. This Article takes up that question, and it argues that education policymakers should consider removal—rather than only regulation— of school police. In so doing, it makes three primary contributions to school-policing scholarship. First, it shifts the focus away from the safety debates that preoccupy scholars and policymakers, arguing that financial incentives for schools, security-theater concerns for administrators, and legitimacy-building interests of law enforcement equally explain school policing’s rise. Second, using critiques of community policing as an analytical framework, it illuminates a range of school-governance and pedagogical harms from school policing that exist separate from and antecedent to policing’s role in fueling the school-to-prison pipeline. Third, it puts grassroots movements against school policing in conversation with the prison abolitionist project and argues that insights from both should inform school-safety policymaking.

CALIFORNIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 109:1443, 2021.  

By Rick Muir  

This report, produced in partnership with Virgin Media O2 Business, provides a strategic roadmap for police forces to make the most of digital systems, data and technology. It addresses the challenges with using technology, including upgrading outdated technology and unifying data management systems – both of  which will be critical to modernisation. We found that police forces are grappling with outdated legacy systems, complex procurement procedures, fragmented data-sharing, and a lack of digital knowledge and skills at all levels of policing. These challenges are stifling the full potential of data, digital and technology to transform modern policing. With expertise from an advisory panel of leaders across national policing, the report makes a number of recommendations to enable officers to work more efficiently and use data to empower them with real-time insights:

• Develop a national strategy for interoperability enabling all 43 police forces to integrate their technology and share data.

• Invest in modern, scalable technology to transition from outdated systems to cloud-based platforms, real-time data and AI insights.

• Change the leadership culture to promote technological literacy at senior and executive leadership levels, ensuring that decision-makers understand the benefits of innovation and act accordingly.

London: The Police Foundation, 2024. 28p.