By Barry Friedman et al.

Recent events have brought to the fore longstanding concerns about the nature of policing in the United States and how it undermines racial equity. As an institution, policing needs significant reconsideration. It is time to rethink the structure and governance of policing. It is also time to engage in a deeper conversation about the meaning of public safety. In the meantime, however, the following is a list of urgently-needed reforms, compiled by a small group of law school faculty, each of whom runs or is associated with an academic center devoted to policing and the criminal justice system. The reforms are not intended as an entire agenda for what ought to happen around policing, or what American policing should look like. Rather, they offer immediate, concrete steps federal, state, and local governments can take to address enduring problems in policing. The authors are scholars who are also deeply involved in the daily practice of policing, and included among them are the Reporters for the American Law Institute’s Principles of the Law: Policing, which works with advisers from across the ideological spectrum in drafting high-level principles to govern policing, though the recommendations here go beyond the scope of the ALI project.

New York: NYU School of Law Policing Project (June, 2020).18p.

By Derek A. Epp & Macey Erhardt

This article asks if investigative police stops (1) help officers find contraband, and (2) serve as a bulwark against violent crime. We focus on the experiences of Fayetteville, North Carolina, which in 2012 mandated that police officers obtain written permission from motorists before conducting searches absent any probable cause. The effect of these mandates was a dramatic reduction in the use of so-called “consent searches.” Using traffic stops data available from the North Carolina Department of Justice, we show that after these reforms went into effect officers made fewer overall searches, but contraband continued to be recovered at pre-reform levels, indicating a reduction in low-quality searches with minimal substantive impact. Moreover, we find that homicide rates are statistically indistinguishable between the pre- and postreform periods. Thus, Fayetteville local government was able to implement community pleasing police reforms without jeopardizing community safety.

POLITICS, GROUPS, AND IDENTITIES https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2020.1724160

By Ellen G. Cohn, Suman Kakar, Chloe Perkins, Rebecca Steinbach, Phil Edwards

Road traffic crashes are a major and increasing cause of injury and death around the world. In 2015, there were almost 6.3 million motor vehicle traffic crashes in the United States. Of these, approximately 1.7 million (27%) involved some form of injury and 32,166 (0.5%) resulted in one or more fatalities (National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, 2016, Traffic Safety Facts 2013: A Compilation of Motor Vehicle Crash Data from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System and the General Estimates System). The most common cause of urban crashes appears to be drivers running red lights or ignoring other traffic controls and injuries occur in 39% of all of these types of crashes (Insurance Institute for Highway Safety, IIHS, 2018, Red light running). While many drivers obey traffic signals, the possibility for violations exists due to issues such as driver distraction, aggressive driving behaviors, or a deliberate decision to ignore the traffic signal. One researcher suggests that eliminating traffic violations could reduce road injury crashes by up to 40% (Zaal, 1994, Traffic law enforcement: A review of the literature). Red light cameras (RLCs) are an enforcement mechanism that permit police to remotely enforce traffic signals; they may serve as a deterrent to drivers who intentionally engage in red light running (RLR). The one previous systematic review of RLCs found that they were effective in reducing total casualty crashes but also found that evidence on the effectiveness of cameras on red light violations, total crashes, or specific types of casualty crashes was inconclusive. However, this review searched only a small number of electronic databases and was limited to a handful of studies published in 2002 or earlier.

Objectives

This report updates and expands upon the previous Cochrane systematic review of RLCs. The aim of this review is to systematically review and synthesize the available evidence on the effectiveness of RLCs on the incidence of red light violations and the incidence and severity of various types of traffic crashes.

Search Methods

This study uses a four-part search strategy that involves: (a) searching 27 online electronic bibliographic databases for published and unpublished evaluations of RLCs; (b) searching the websites of 46 international institutes and research agencies focusing on transportation issues for reports and other gray literature; (c) searching the reference lists of published studies to identify additional published and unpublished works; and (d) conducting a keyword search using Google and Google Scholar to search for additional gray literature.

Selection Criteria

The criteria for inclusion were determined before the search process began. To be eligible, studies must have assessed the impact of RLCs on red light violations and/or traffic crashes. Studies must have employed a quantitative research design that involved randomized controlled trials, quasi-random controlled trials, a controlled before-after design, or a controlled interrupted time series. Research that incorporated additional interventions, such as speed cameras or enhanced police enforcement, were excluded, although normal routine traffic enforcement in the nonintervention control condition was not excluded. Both published and unpublished reports were included. Studies were eligible regardless of the country in which they were conducted or the date of publication. Qualitative, observational, or descriptive studies that did not include formal comparisons of treatment and control groups were excluded from this research.

Data Collection and Analysis

Initial searches produced a total of 5,708 references after duplicates were removed. After title and abstract screening, a total of 121 references remained. Full-text review of these works identified 28 primary studies meeting the inclusion criteria, in addition to the 10 studies identified in the prior Cochrane review. Because several of the primary studies reported on multiple independent study areas, this report evaluates 41 separate analyses. At least two review authors independently assessed all records for eligibility, assessed methodological risk of bias, and extracted data from the full-text reports; disagreements were resolved by discussion with a third review author. To facilitate comparisons between studies, a standardized summary measure based on relative effects, rather than differences in effects, was defined for each outcome. Summary measures were calculated for all studies when possible. When at least three studies reported the same outcome, the results were pooled in a meta-analysis. Pooled meta-analyses were carried out when at least three studies reported the same outcome; otherwise, the results of individual studies were described in a narrative. Heterogeneity among effect estimates was assessed using χ2 tests at a 5% level of significance and quantified using the I2 statistic. EMMIE framework data were coded using the EPPIE Reviewer database.

Results

The results of this systematic review suggest that RLCs are associated with a statistically significant reduction in crash outcomes, although this varies by type of crash, and suggest a reduction in red light violations. RLCs are associated with a a 20% decrease in total injury crashes, a 24% decrease in right angle crashes and a 29% decrease in right angle injury crashes. Conversely, however, RLCs are also associated with a statistically significant increase in rear end crashes of 19%. There was also some evidence that RLCs were associated with a large reduction in crashes due to red light violations. There is no evidence to suggest that study heterogeneity is consistently explained by either country or risk of bias, nor did the presence or absence of warning signs appear to impact the effectiveness of RLCs. Studies accounting for regression to the mean tend to report more moderate decreases for right angle crashes resulting in injury than studies not accounting for regression to the mean. Studies with better control for confounders reported a nonsignificant decrease in right angle crashes, compared with a significant decrease for all studies.

Authors' Conclusions

The evidence suggests that RLCs may be effective in reducing red light violations and are likely to be effective in reducing some types of traffic crashes, although they also appear linked to an increase in rear end crashes. Several implications for policymakers and practitioners have emerged from this research. The costs and benefits of RLCs must be considered when implementing RLC programs. The potential benefits of a reduction in traffic violations and in some types of injury crashes must be weighed against the increased risk of other crash types. The economic implications of operating an RLC program also must be considered, including the costs of installation and operation as well as the economic impact of RLC effects.

Campbell Systematic Reviews, Volume16, Issue2, June 2020

By Frank R. Baumgartner , Kate Bell, Luke Beyer, Tara Boldrin, Libby Doyle, Lindsey Govan, Jack Halpert, Jackson Hicks, Katherine Kyriakoudes, Cat Lee, Mackenzie Leger, Sarah McAdon, Sarah Michalak, Caroline Murphy, Eyan Neal, Olivia O’Malley, Emily Payne, Audrey Sapirstein, Sally Stanley, and Kathryn Thacker

We evaluate the factors associated with an officer’s decision to search a driver or vehicle after a routine traffic stop, and we compare the accuracy of these searches by looking at the share leading to arrest. Racial disparities in search rates by race and gender of driver are similar for all types of officers; all tend to search Black male drivers at higher rates than any other demographic. White male officers have higher search rates for all types of drivers. Further, they conduct the greatest share of “fruitless searches” (those not leading to arrest), and these searches are particularly targeted on those drivers with the greatest number of cumulative disadvantages

Policy Studies Journal, Vol. 49, No. 3, 2021

By The Little Hoover Commission

The state should prioritize data collection and collaboration with research institutions as it seeks to understand and combat retail theft in the long term, the Little Hoover Commission concluded in a new report, Retail Theft: A Data Driven Response for California.

The report was prompted by a request from 66 members of the legislature to study issues surrounding retail theft. The report notes that since the Legislature and the voters are now considering changes to the penal code sections addressing retail theft, the Commission’s recommendations focus on long-term improvements in the way the state reports and assesses retail theft and law enforcement’s response.

In recent years, alarming videos showing brazen thefts of commercial property have circulated on social media, increasing public concern. Some businesses have cited theft as a reason for closing stores. These crimes also burden the criminal justice system, using limited resources that could be redirected toward more severe crimes.

Looking at available data, the Commission found that, despite a recent uptick, reported retail theft remains at roughly the same level as during the 2010s and lower than it was in earlier decades. Like many crimes, retail theft is undoubtedly underreported, but the report notes that by its nature, the level of underreporting is difficult to measure.

The Commission concluded that more detailed crime data is needed for policymakers to craft an evidence-based response. The Commission commended the Department of Justice for its existing data initiatives, and recommend they be expanded in consultation with experts. At a minimum, data should include information on crime statistics, demographics, law enforcement response times, prosecution and adjudication data, and rehabilitation, reentry, and recidivism data. In addition to data collection, the Commission recommended that the state partner with California universities and other nonpartisan research institutions to study preventative measures, rates of underreporting, economic impact, and drivers of public perception.

“Never was the aphorism, ‘You can’t manage what you don’t measure,’ more true than when discussing retail theft. We can’t fully comprehend the effects of retail theft, or address its causes, without detailed data. As it now stands, necessary data is missing,” said Commission Chair Pedro Nava. “There are many potential partners who can collaborate to remedy the information gap. Working with stakeholders, California can fund coordinated studies and data collection efforts to better understand the complexities of these crimes.”

“California has the opportunity to join efforts with some of the best researchers in the nation as it navigates the issue of retail theft,” said Vice Chair Anthony Cannella. “With a more complete picture of how retail theft is impacting the state, the Governor and Legislature can make evidence-based decisions on how to respond effectively.”

Sacramento: Little Hoover Commission, 2023/ 35p.

Interviewed by the Garda Síochána Professor Ursula Kilkelly and Dr Louise Forde Centre for Children’s Rights and Family Law School of Law University College Cork

Children, defined as those under 18 years (s.3 of the Children Act 2001), have particular legal rights in light of their age, needs, and circumstances. The particular characteristics of children who come into conflict with the law require that special protections are in place to ensure their rights are protected and the integrity of the justice process is preserved. For children, whose age and stage of development makes them inherently vulnerable, being questioned by the police can be an intimidating and at times terrifying experience. They can also face particular challenges in exercising their rights. For these reasons, Irish and international law – including the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child – sets out the legal protections to which children are entitled in such situations. To date, however, no Irish research has explored how children enjoy these rights in practice.

This study carried out by the School of Law at University College Cork, funded by the Policing Authority, explores the experiences of children questioned by members of the Garda Síochána (the police). The experiences of children, members of the Garda Síochána, lawyers representing children, and parents and other adults who support children were documented and set against the benchmarks of national and international law and contextualised within the international research and literature. As the first of its kind in Ireland, this study offers an important and original insight into children’s experiences of their rights during Garda Síochána questioning and, in consultation with key stakeholders, it offers recommendations for how these rights might be better protected.

Aims and Methodology

The aim of the research was to understand children’s experiences of their rights in Irish and international law during Garda Síochána questioning. In order to achieve this, semi-structured interviews were carried out with four distinct groups:

1. children with experience of being interviewed by members of the Garda Síochána;

2. members of the Garda Síochána with experience of interviewing children;

3. lawyers with experience of representing children in criminal matters; and

4. parents/guardians or other adults present during Garda Síochána interviews.

The methodology comprised desk-based and qualitative research. The desk-based research involved an analysis of the relevant research and national and international law on police questioning of children. This analysis established the benchmarks against which the empirical research findings were measured. Following this, work was undertaken to identify and review the relevant international literature on police questioning of children, which helped to situate the Irish experience in the international context.

The qualitative research undertaken as part of this study involved a series of short, individual, semistructured interviews with four groups of participants; children, members of the Garda Síochána, lawyers and parents. Twenty children, aged between 14-18 years, took part. In co-operation with the Garda Research Unit, nine members of the Garda Síochána participated; four lawyers (all solicitors), and three parents and adults acting in a supportive role for children were also interviewed. In total, 36 interviews were conducted.

Summary of Key Learning

The study presents a snapshot of children’s experiences of their rights during Garda Síochána questioning, from the perspective of children, members of the Garda Síochána, lawyers and parents/carers. It contains detailed findings regarding children’s experiences of their rights when questioned by members of the Garda Síochána. There is strong alignment between the issues raised by this study and those evident in the international literature.

Notwithstanding the small scale of the research, it is clear from this study that the process of interviewing children in police custody is complex. Key concerns are: access to information and legal advice, children’s treatment during questioning, the nature of the environment, children’s capacity and understanding and the role of parents and others who support children during the process. This study highlights some good practice and also highlights areas where practice could be improved.

The following key points of learning emerge from this study: 

• Children are particularly vulnerable when questioned by members of the Garda Síochána, and as a result, they have a right to be treated in an age-appropriate way, using language and communication that is adapted and child-friendly; 

• Some children had negative experiences of being detained in Garda custody prior to or during interviews. The absence of suitable facilities in Garda Síochána stations was a concern, highlighting that priority needs to be given to improving facilities; 

• While information is sometimes provided in a child-friendly way, further consideration should be given to how explanations are provided to children; tools and resources should be developed to aid communication and understanding; 

• Children’s exercise of their right to legal advice and assistance is a concern in light of their ability to waive their right to a lawyer; 

• Although parents play an important role in supporting children during questioning, legal and practical issues arise where the parent or guardian is not available to attend the Garda Síochána station. Further statutory guidance would help to bring clarity to this issue;

• Children need additional support to enable them to understand the information they are given and the questions asked of them before, during and after Garda interview. Special measures should be taken in the case of children with additional vulnerabilities or learning difficulties; 

• The experience of the child being interviewed can vary depending on the approach of the individual member of the Garda Síochána. Measures should be adopted to promote consistent good practice. Allegations of ill-treatment by members of the Garda Síochána, including both physical and verbal abuse, are a matter of serious concern which require urgent attention; and 

• All professionals who work with children – both members of the Garda Síochána and lawyers who advise children – require additional specialist training.

Two overarching conclusions are worthy of further research and analysis. The first relates to consistency. In particular, it is evident from all research participants that each child’s experience of their rights depends on multiple factors, including the approach of individual members of the Garda Síochána and the child’s personal circumstances. The second overarching conclusion is that on a range of issues relevant to the child’s experience of the police interview, there is a divergence between the child’s experience of the interview process and that of the adult participant. This highlights the importance of taking account of the views of children both in research and in the reform of policy and practice.

This study highlighted examples of good practice amongst members of the Garda Síochána including their specialist expertise and experience. At the same time, the research suggests that improvements are needed to ensure that the rights of the child are fully protected during police questioning. Addressing these concerns requires the clear articulation of these standards in law and policy, while at the same time ensuring that members of the Garda Síochána are equipped with the tools, resources and training they need to ensure those standards are consistently met.

Cork, Ireland: Centre for Children’s Rights and Family Law School of Law University College Cork, 2020. 67p

By Louise Forde and Ursula Kilkelly

Under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, children in conflict with the law are entitled to dignity and respect for their rights within a youth justice system adapted to their age and circumstances. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child recognises the necessity of ensuring that children’s rights are protected during the criminal process, emphasising the importance of legal advice, information and support to enable their participation in the process. Police questioning can be a particularly difficult experience for children, given their vulnerability and immaturity and yet it can have very serious consequences for children. This article examines the rights of the child during police questioning, from the perspective of children themselves. Presenting the findings of a study of children’s experiences of their rights when being questioned by the police (An Garda Síochána) in Ireland, the article highlights the need to adapt police questioning processes to the needs and circumstances of the child, while emphasising the powerful case for greater involvement of children in research about criminal justice and policing so that their experiences of their rights can be better understood.

Criminology & Criminal Justice Volume 24, Issue 3, July 2024, Pages 648-669

By BRANDON DEL POZO, Jessica Reichert, Bruce Taylor

Police frequently encounter people with opioid use disorder (OUD), having a profound effect on their risk environment and health outcomes. Officers retain significant discretionary authority in their response to these encounters. To explore the factors that underlie these decisions, we surveyed a sample of Illinois police officers. We administered an online survey to Illinois police departments using a random sampling strategy, stratified by agency size and the rurality of their service areas. Our final sample was 248 police officers from 27 departments. We surveyed officers’ beliefs about 1) influences and control over their decision-making; 2) the approval of other actors in making referrals to treatment for addiction, and 3) the potential impacts of medication-assisted treatment (MAT). We analyzed the survey data using descriptive statistics and regression analyses. Most officers were highly influenced by the expectations of their supervisors when responding to subjects who appeared to have an OUD, and about half would take direction from addiction treatment providers. Police in urban departments perceived greater support for MAT and were more likely to believe MAT could reduce the need for future arrests. Our findings suggest ways police officers can be influenced to make discretionary decisions that improve the health outcomes of their encounters with people with OUD: 1) Supervisors should serve as champions to promote referrals to treatment for substance use disorders; 2) Collaboration between law enforcement and community addiction treatment providers should be strengthened, and 3) MAT should be supported and expanded in rural areas.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2024. 29p.

By Alex Menninger, Sharyn Adams, Jessica Reichert

Introduction

A disproportionate number of police contacts involve people with behavioral health needs, such as those experiencing a mental health crisis or struggling with a substance use disorder (Livingston, 2016). Deflection is one type of program in which police officers are able to refer persons who they encounter to behavioral health services (Lindquist-Grantz et al., 2021). Participation is voluntary, and the referral service is free to participants. Deflection aims to reduce criminal justice system involvement and connect people with treatment and other services to improve individual and community health (Charlier & Reichert, 2020).

We evaluated the development of a new deflection program in Illinois, Little Egypt Alternative Pathways (LEAP), that covers Jackson, Johnson, and Williamson counties (southern Illinois is known as Little Egypt due to perceived geographic similarities [Williamson County Government, n.d.]) The goal is for police in the Illinois State Police-led Southern Illinois Enforcement Group (SIEG), a multijurisdictional police task force, to refer persons to services in these counties. An overview how participants interact with the program is shown in Figure 1.

Program development began with multi-day, guided action planning sessions facilitated by Treatment Alternatives for Safe Communities’ Center for Health and Justice (TASC CHJ). Action planning brought together local community stakeholders to learn about deflection programs, form objectives, and discuss implementation strategies. After six days of action planning, the final product was a Solutions Action Plan that detailed the group’s plan to create their deflection program. To evaluate and offer insights into the planning process, we collected data through field observations and surveys and developed recommendations to guide future action planning sessions and promote the success of LEAP’s program.

Methodology

A researcher from the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) attended the six action planning sessions in February and March of 2023 for a total of 29 hours of field observation. All action planning sessions were conducted in person and included 6 to 13 local service providers each day. We administered a paper survey to participants at the end of each action planning day to gather information on participants’ action planning process, levels of engagement, intentions for implementation, and perceived benefits of a deflection program. We gathered participant demographic information on day 1 of action planning and administered a collaboration survey on day 5. We analyzed the action planning sessions based on field notes and supportive documents and summarized what transpired each day. We also analyzed the survey data from people who attended each day and the data from the collaboration survey using descriptive statistics. Findings revealed participants’ views about what transpired during the action planning process, what feedback they had about the sessions, and how they perceived collaboration during the process.

Key Findings

Twenty representatives from 12 local organizations participated in at least one of the six action planning sessions. One of the participating organizations was a law enforcement agency that will serve as the primary referral source of participants to deflection specialists. The other 11 organizations were service providers and community organizations that will receive referrals from deflection specialists. The majority worked in behavioral health. Action planning sessions were additionally attended by TASC, Inc. staff, who are not a part of TASC CHJ; an ICJIA researcher; a subject matter expert; and a representative of the Illinois State Police. The distinct roles that staff from TASC CHJ and TASC, Inc. play in a deflection program are that TASC CHJ facilitates action planning and then the program is handed off to TASC, Inc. TASC, Inc. is the agency that employs the “deflection specialists” who conduct case management and make referrals to services.

Early in the action planning process, participants identified substance use and mental health crises as the greatest areas of concern in their community. The group agreed interagency communication was important for program success. Participant engagement increased on days 2 and 3 of action planning as the group discussed how police were to refer potential participants and what the established outcomes for this program should be. On day 3, participants also voiced some confusion about the different roles that TASC CHJ and TASC, Inc. play in program development and implementation. The confusion seemed to be somewhat resolved on day 4 of action planning, when the TASC, Inc. deflection specialists attended and gave more explanation. As the action planning sessions neared their end, the group finalized four program outcomes for the deflection program and, to achieve them, 19 strategies and 63 action steps. Action steps focused on partnerships, community outreach, marketing, and trainings.

Survey results from the beginning of action planning indicated participants felt additional community partners were needed to promote program success. Attendees were satisfied with the action planning process overall, although their satisfaction declined in the second half of action planning. Participants were confident that the program would benefit the community, but uncertain about its sustainability and the extent to which all involved organizations shared long-term goals. This perception is not surprising given participants had minimal discussion about short- or long-term program goals. On the last day of action planning, participants stated they would likely take an active role in program implementation. Results from the collaboration survey identified insufficient resources and organization participation as the areas of greatest concern. Collaborative strengths included high levels of agreement among respondents about the program being beneficial and about its accomplishment depending on multi-organizational collaborations.

Recommendations

Based on our findings, we provide recommendations to address concerns regarding attendance, engagement, and program implementation. First, since engagement fluctuated during sessions, we recommend increased attendance at action planning sessions. Increased attendance would likely boost the representation of local community organizations and increase service capacity. It also potentially would enhance the quality of the action plan and benefit participants’ satisfaction (Luyet et al., 2012). Second, we recommend repeating the descriptions of stakeholder roles to help clarify the roles of TASC CHJ (leading action planning and technical assistance) and TASC, Inc. (day-to-day operations). Third, we recommend increasing participants’ understanding of the planning, implementation, and operational processes. Next, we also suggest that groups formulate measurable outcomes and prioritize action steps, which can be done through the creation a program logic model (Gleicher, 2017; Centers for Disease Controls and Prevention, n.d.). The collaboration survey could serve as a baseline measurement of the group’s perceptions about collaborative dynamics that may be inhibiting progress toward measurable outcomes. The survey can be given out to note changes in collaborators’ perceptions over time and tie them to outcomes and action steps. Finally, the program should try to increase collaboration by engaging political and community leadership (D’Amour et al., 2009; Farhoudian et al., 2022).

Conclusion

The action planning process brought together local service providers and law enforcement to develop a solutions action plan for the LEAP deflection program in southern Illinois. The program will connect individuals experiencing a substance use disorder or mental health crisis with behavioral health and other services in their community. The final action plan formulated objectives, strategies, and action steps toward implementing the deflection program. Further clarification of the program process and roles as well as increased local community engagement can improve program development to promote success.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2024. 58p.

By: Kyle Hucke

The street-level violence prevention field includes a range of professionals fulfilling specific roles in various programs. This literature review focuses on violence interrupters as a specific type of outreach worker and the programs that utilize them. Violence interrupters embed themselves within specific areas of communities experiencing elevated levels of violence and mediate emerging conflicts between groups and/or individuals to interrupt the cycle of violence. This review describes the theoretical frameworks guiding the design of these programs, the role of violence interrupters, and program implementations. It also summarizes results from the research literature that evaluates these programs. The literature suggests that violence interrupters are successful at reaching the target population. The research on the effects of these programs on community violence shows that most experience initial success followed by challenges maintaining that success. Program instability from funding and employee turnover likely reduce the effectiveness of VI programs. The dangerous and stressful nature of the work and the relatively poor level of monetary compensation drives the high turnover of VIs. The high social and economic cost of violence suggests that VI programs “pay for themselves” by preventing violence. Overall, evidence suggests violence interrupters are a valuable part of the violence prevention field, but researchers, practitioners, and policymakers need to be aware of violence interrupters’ strengths, limitations, and the supports needed for them to work effectively.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority 2024. 42p.

By Illinois Crime Reduction Task Force

Background

To develop and propose policies and procedures aimed at reducing crime in Illinois, the Crime Reduction Task Force Act established the Crime Reduction Task Force (20 ILCS 3926/1-5). Task Force membership was statutorily mandated in the Crime Reduction Task Force Act. The Task Force was active from October 2022 through June 2024. Meetings were held virtually and were open to the public. Meeting content included:

• Testimony from subject matter experts.

• Input from community service providers.

• Reports and other documents submitted by Task Force members and other interested parties.

• Votes taken on submitted recommendations.

Recommendations

The approved recommendations are listed below.

• There should be a new legislation that mandates judges to order an abusive partner to complete a Partner Abuse Intervention Program (PAIP) when granting an Order of Protection for domestic violence in civil courts. This can help prevent domestic violence, and crime in general, because domestic violence offenders can pose a threat to a family as well as to the community. A PAIP focuses on power, control, and relationship dynamics. It helps people reflect on their relationship and take responsibility for one’s behavior.

• If the person fails to complete the PAIP, there should be a consequence, such as restrictions in child custody or supervised visitation of family members. Because taking a PAIP costs money and it lasts 26 weeks, there should be a financial support to complete a PAIP for low-income earners.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority.. 2024. 52p.

By Nancy Sullivan, Sharyn Adams, Eva Ott Hill, Jessica Reichert

Introduction

A significant amount of police engagement involves persons with multiple service needs, such as substance use treatment or mental health services. A public safety and public health partnership encourages police to “deflect” individuals from the criminal justice system by referring them to treatment and other service providers (Charlier & Reichert, 2020; Lindquist-Grantz et al., 2021). Individuals may face several barriers to treatment and services, but deflection can reduce barriers such as social stigma, waiting lists, and limited ability to personally fund treatment (Charlier & Reichert, 2020).

We evaluated the action planning process for a deflection program in Southwestern Illinois, later named Choices. The program serves the following counties: Calhoun, Greene, Jersey, Macoupin, Madison, Monroe, Montgomery, and St. Clair. The development of the program began with guided action planning sessions during which community stakeholders agreed that the focus of this program will be substance use and mental health. The program was then developed based on results of the action planning sessions. The two facilitators of the sessions were from Treatment Alternatives for Safe Communities’ Center for Health and Justice (TASC CHJ), and at least one researcher from the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) attended each session.

Methodology

In conducting an evaluation of the action planning process, researchers attempted to answer the following research questions:

• Who participated in the action planning process?

• What transpired during the action planning process?

• What feedback about the action planning process did participants provide?

• What was the content of the final action plan?

• To what extent was there collaboration among the participants?

• What areas of collaboration can be enhanced to produce the most effective outcomes?

In order to evaluate the action planning process aimed at developing the deflection program, researchers examined multiple data sources, including field observations, supporting documents (e.g., sign in sheets, handouts), and participant surveys. We conducted field observations and took field notes during six action planning sessions in October and December 2022. At the end of each session day, we administered a survey to all participants to obtain their feedback on the program and action planning process. On the final day of action planning, we administered a survey to gauge the level of collaboration among participants. One study limitation was that not all participants completed every action planning session survey. The number of participants and surveys varied by session. In addition, as Chicago-based researchers, we may not understand the intricacies of the community area.

Key Findings

The action planning process for the Southwestern Illinois deflection program took place over six days. Fifteen representatives from 13 different organizations participated in at least one session.

During observations of action planning, participants appeared unsure about the deflection model as well as the overall action planning process. Facilitators did the bulk of the talking, and participation was consistent but low. When they joined in, participants were engaged and discussed community issues, needs, collaboration, and program design. The participants completed the action plan document detailing objectives and action steps for the program implementation. However, the participants struggled to produce measurable objectives when finalizing the Solutions Action Plan (SAP).

Based on the results of the surveys, participants felt that collaboration was strong and that those who should have been at the action planning sessions were already there. By the conclusion of the final session, the majority in attendance reported that they were confident this program would help their community and positively rated the action planning process.

Recommendations

Based on the findings of the evaluation, we offer four recommendations for future action planning sessions. First, increased collaboration is necessary in order to have an effective action planning session and, down the line, a successful implementation of the program. Team building as well as community engagement are recommended to improve collaboration among both groups. Second, increased participation is essential to the success of the action planning sessions. Not only is the number of participants important, but their diversity, as well. Moreover, action planning participants should be representative of the local communities they are serving. Third, it is essential that all participants in action planning have a thorough understanding of both deflection and the action planning process. Ensuring that all participants fully understand both of these items at the start of action planning will reduce the time spent explaining them throughout the sessions, resulting in more engagement and participation in actual planning. Finally, it is essential that all objectives created by participants are reasonably measurable. The use of a logic model is recommended to keep participants on track and to make sure that each objective is measurable and attainable.

Conclusion

We conducted an evaluation of the action planning process to develop a deflection program, Choices, to help persons with substance use and/or mental health disorders in Southwestern Illinois. The action planning sessions for the program identified community issues and discussed community needs, collaboration, and resources in order to draft the program’s structure, design, and implementation. These discussions led to the final action plan document, which laid out objectives and action steps for the implementation phase of the program. The program employs a police-led deflection model, with the help of multijurisdictional drug task forces, to refer individuals to services in their community. We recommend increased engagement of diverse community members, more clarity on the purpose of the action planning process, and the creation of measurable objectives.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2024. 57p.

By Minnesota Independent Evaluator, Judge Karen Janisch

In compliance with paragraph 407 of the Settlement Agreement and Order (“Agreement”) dated July 13, 2023, in the matter captioned State of Minnesota by Rebecca Lucero, Commissioner of the Minnesota Department of Human Rights, plaintiff vs. City of Minneapolis, Court File No. 27-cv-23-4177 (Judge Karen Janisch), the Independent Evaluator (“IE”) submits this Implementation Progress Evaluation Plan (the “Plan”).1 The Agreement identifies what the City of Minneapolis (“the City”) and the Minneapolis Police Department (“MPD”) must achieve to comply with the Agreement but not necessarily how to do it, or in what sequence. In other words, the Agreement is a requirements document not a planning document. Moreover, the Agreement contains many overlapping requirements. For example, some of the Agreement’s sections, captioned as Parts, are devoted to overarching practices such as policies and training, but other Parts that address practices also include policy and training requirements. Similarly, supervision requirements are embedded throughout various Parts of the Agreement. The overarching purpose of this Plan is to align the Parties and the IE Team on the processes, sequence, and requirements the IE Team will be considering when evaluating the implementation of the Agreement and how implementation and compliance will be measured. This Plan is based on the IE Team’s 90-day assessment of the City's and MPD’s operations related to the Agreement, including the progress they have made implementing the Agreement. Recognizing, however, the inherent limitations on forecasting a four-year implementation process, the IE Team reserves the right to modify this Plan in response to changed or unforeseen information, conditions, or developments, in consultation with the Parties. The IE Team will report any such changes to the Plan to the public.2 On behalf of the Implementation Team, we look forward to partnering with the City, the MPD, the Minnesota Department of Human Rights (“MDHR”), and the Minneapolis public to achieve the Agreement’s eagerly anticipated and laudable goals.   

Minneapolis: The Independent Evaluation Team, 2024. 88p,

Edited by Nazmia E.A. Comrie and Shanetta Y. Cutlar   

The U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), is excited to celebrate 30 years of advancing community policing. Reflecting on the work of the COPS Office over the last three decades calls to mind the changes in crime-fighting techniques, accountability measures, and technology and the evolving role of police in civil society in that time. Throughout all these changes, the COPS Office has continued to support reducing crime and building trust between law enforcement and the communities served. When the conversations began about how we could best document this COPS Office milestone, we wanted to push the boundaries by creating a resource that went beyond a retro spective—not just looking back at the last 30 years but also looking forward to the next 30. We recognize that this COPS Office achievement is a shared accomplishment and wanted to include the field in the celebration. With these goals in mind, we created American Policing 2054: Advancing Community Policing over the Next 30 Years. This publication is designed to be a companion to the COPS Office’s previous milestone publication, American Policing in 2022: Essays on the Future of a Profession, envisioned and edited by COPS Office staff members Debra R. Cohen McCullough and Deborah L. Spence. While that publication asked contributors to consider what policing would look like in 10 years, this one expands its scope to include a vision for the next 30 years. The concept - We used the framework created by our colleagues in 2012 to compile a list of leaders in law enforcement, public safety research, and civil rights, as well as community members, to contribute to this publication. Knowing that there are so many more thought leaders, perspectives, and voices than we could fit in this publication, we especially considered contributors to the 2022 publication as well as thought leaders from all ranks and agency types. We curated our list to ensure we had diversity in thought, experiences, and voices. The interest and excitement from the field in response to our invitation was remarkable. We asked contributors to think as boldly and as broadly as they liked. We encouraged innovation and assured contributors they were limited only by their informed imagination about the future of law enforcement in the United States. Most importantly, we told contributors that there were no wrong answers for their vision of the future of policing. The COPS Office received essays from current and former law enforcement leaders and officers, researchers, practitioners, and civic and civil rights leaders, and these contributors did not disappoint.   Essay themes Contributors covered topics such as technology, community engagement, crime-reduction strategies, training, accountability, and transparency. Some of the contributors envisioned drastic changes in the future, while others saw more subtle refinements to policing. The majority of the essays converged on the importance of technology and the need for technology policies and procedures that balance privacy and accountability. In the end, all of the articles touched on one or more principles of community policing—organizational change, problem solving, and partnerships. As such, we used those principles to create the themes for this publication.

 Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services., 2024. 124p.  

By Frankie Wunschel and Daniel Bodah

The 911 emergency call line was first implemented in 1968, in Halleyville, Alabama, as a fire emergency number.1 The scope of 911 expanded over the years to include police and emergency medical responses. As the world and the 911 system have changed throughout the past 52 years, the goal of 911—to enhance public safety—has not. Although extensive changes have been made in the technological infrastructure of the 911 system (such as adding GPS, Computer Aided Dispatch [CAD], and the Enhanced and Next Generation 911 applications), there have been few advances in the call-taking and dispatching aspects of the system. Modernization is needed if 911 is to provide fully effective service. In recent years, a few alternative approaches to call taking and information processing have surfaced. One of these alternative approaches is known as Criteria Based Dispatch (CBD). CBD was developed in King Country, Washington, in 1989 and was initially developed for emergency medical services.2 Whereas the traditional 911 approach involves the call taker collecting as much information as possible—what is happening, as well as why—CBD focuses on “here and now” questions.3 CBD was constructed as a central triage guideline system focusing on two key areas to understand this here-and now framework: 1. The necessary level of care 2. The urgency of the need for care.4 CBD systems categorize multiple call types together and supply a list of corresponding questions for use during the call-taking process.5 These questions and prompts are guidance suggestions for the call taker, ultimately trusting that the call taker will exercise discretion to use them appropriately.6 The system was initially developed for medical emergency-based calls and utilizing symptom criteria similar to those utilized in medical offices and hospitals.7 CBD has since expanded and been used in multiple departments for fire-related calls as well. Although readily used for medical and fire emergencies, CBD has been introduced in only a handful of jurisdictions for police calls.8 As a movement across the country has begun demanding changes to policing and public safety, the need to revisit 911 call-taking and dispatching methods has become urgent. As discussed below, CBD has revolutionized the  call-taking process for medical and fire calls to 911. This review of the literature on CBD frames how this approach could also lead to improvements in the policing space. Research on CBD is limited. The bulk of research has focused on understanding the structural components of the system and how they affect traditional 911 success metrics such as diagnosis accuracy, sensitivity, specificity, and over- or under-triage.9 CBD research is practically nonexistent in the context of its use in the United States, so international research must be used to fill this gap. CBD processes in the United States and Europe are largely the same, although European CBD has adopted a three-level urgency approach that is less robust than the U.S. version.10 In exploring the landscape of CBD literature, researchers at the Vera Institute of Justice (Vera) searched numerous academic databases, as well as the Internet, to identify academic, professional, and nonprofit reports and studies of CBD. The identified publications consisted of field explorations, scientific evaluation studies, training guides, news publications, and promotional materials. A wide range of literature types was used in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the field and supplement the limited amount of formal research available. This literature review explores the literature on CBD with a focus on reviewing the potential benefits of CBD seen by those working in the public safety response sector. The literature review also highlights strengths and weaknesses of CBD, maps the comparative research on CBD with that on competing dispatch system Medical Priority Dispatch (MPD), and finishes with a discussion of the potential for using CBD to improve responses in the policing space and support appropriate diversion of 911 calls to nonenforcement responses.  

New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2020. 12p.

By p.S. Rebecca Neusteter, Megan O’Toole, Mawia Khogali, Abdul Rad, Frankie Wunschel, Sarah Scaffidi, Marilyn Sinkewicz, Maris Mapolski, Paul DeGrandis, Daniel Bodah, and Henessy Pineda

At least 240 million calls to 911 are made each year.1 Responding to these calls takes up a sizable amount of police officers’ time, even though relatively few calls stem from crimes in progress. Despite their prevalence in police work, little research about the nature of 911 calls or how police respond is available. Basic information, such as the number of calls and reasons they are made, how call volumes vary across different call types, and what happens from the time a call is placed to when an officer arrives on the scene, is unknown. The 911 call system plays a critical role in policing practice and should be studied, not only to measure performance but also to aid in decision-making processes, inform strategic decisions, and understand opportunities to advance call processing and alternative responses.2 The current study was designed to define the landscape of 911 calls for police service and answer fundamental questions about how communications personnel and police respond to them. To begin, the study explores 911 call processing by examining what happens when 911 calls are answered and what training, protocols, standards, and management possibilities exist at each stage of 911 call processing. The study also examines how accurately 911 calls are categorized and handled when received by public safety personnel. Questions about the overall volume and rate of 911 calls for service, typical response time, and ordinary duration of responses to 911 calls, as well as how these vary by the call type, time, and location are also considered. To understand how characteristics of 911 calls impact police officers in the field, the study analyzes what proportion of officers’ activities represent responses to 911 calls versus those proactively initiated by officers. The study examines how 911 calls are resolved by identifying the categories of dispositions and their frequency, as well as how they vary by call volume, type, time, and location. The ultimate outcomes of police contacts initiated by 911 calls are also reviewed to understand what factors have the greatest contribution to 911 call responses. In addition, the current research examines communications systems among call-takers, dispatchers, and police officers in the field to determine whether all information relevant to outcomes is being effectively conveyed. The study further explores whether it is possible to improve outcomes for police and civilians by  identifying 911 calls that may be handled more appropriately by a response other than sending sworn officers. The following research activities provided details about the 911 landscape to address these questions: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) an examination of prior research on 911 calls in the policing context; an analysis of 911 call and computer-aided dispatch (CAD) data to identify 911 call types, processing, and outcomes in Camden County (NJ) and Tucson (AZ) police and public safety communications departments; the development of a system processing map to trace calls from receipt through closure, which was achieved using data from focus groups, interviews, audio analysis of a sample of 911 calls, and field observations in Camden County Police Department (CCPD), Camden County Communications Center (CCCC), Tucson Police Department (TPD), and Tucson Public Safety Communications Division (PSCD); an examination of publicly available 911 call and CAD data from Detroit, New Orleans, and Seattle; and a convening of police, emergency communications practitioners, and other stakeholders to contextualize these findings and explore alternatives to sworn police response. The Vera Institute of Justice’s (Vera’s) review of the existing literature on 911 calls for service (detailed in Chapter 2) reveals a need for innovation in this space, as well as more research exploring key features of the system (such as call volumes, types, and outcomes at the national, state, and local levels). Since the birth of 911 in the late 1960s and its congressionally mandated national deployment in 1999, the emergency communications field has become professionalized and transformed by new technologies, such as Enhanced 911 (E911) and Next Generation 911 (NG911).3 However, much remains to be learned about how 911 calls are processed, how personnel are trained, and where opportunities for alternative responses need development or can be expanded. As a first step toward understanding how 911 calls are processed, Vera created a system processing map. This map (given in Chapter 3) shows that, when a community member calls 911, the caller relays information to a call-taker at a public safety communications center. The call-taker gathers relevant information from the caller; determines whether the call requires a response by fire, police, medical personnel, or a combination thereof; enters information and categorizes the call using a CAD system; and may give the caller instructions about what to expect or actions to take. The information the call-taker enters into the CAD system is sent to the appropriate dispatcher for further action. The dispatcher assigns officers to respond to the call based on the priority level of the reported incident, the narrative information entered in the CAD system by the call-taker, and available police resources. The dispatcher may, during this process, reclassify the call type or priority level. The assigned patrol officers then respond to the location given in the call, where they may take a report, provide instructions, resolve conditions found there, call for other resources, or take law enforcement action. Vera’s analysis of Camden and Tucson data shows that, with slight variations, this core set of actors and actions defines the landscape of 911 call processing. Within this system, call codes, training, and standards exist to guide the actions of call-takers and dispatchers; however, codes, training, and standards are not uniform across 911 call systems, and opportunities exist to improve outcomes by diverting appropriate calls to non-law enforcement responders. Vera’s detailed analysis of CAD data and 911 audio recordings from Camden and Tucson sheds further light on how the 911 system operates (presented in Chapters 4 and 5). • As many as half of CAD records may be of limited reliability due to lack of call type specificity and other call information omitted from the narrative. • Officers spend a substantial proportion of their time responding to calls for service, few of which are related to crimes in progress, let alone serious crime in progress. • Most calls do not relate to serious or violent crime; instead, the most frequent calls involve nuisance complaints and low-level crimes. • Trends across the departments differed. In 2016 and 2017, TPD officers spent most of their time responding to 911 calls for service, whereas CCPD officers engaged primarily in proactive police activity. (As explained in chapter 5, this finding may be a function of differences in departmental record keeping.) These observations of Camden and Tucson are further supported through the findings from the open data sites—Detroit, New Orleans, and Seattle. Highlights from the five-city analysis demonstrate the following: • The most frequent incident type was noncriminal in nature. In four of the five sites, the most frequent incident type was some variation of a complaint or request for an officer to perform a welfare check. Across all sites, the most common priority types were nonemergency. • The five sites have a wide range of dispatcher and officer response times. The two sites (Detroit and New Orleans) that have response time available by priority level show that response times are faster in emergency incidents. Among call types, the fastest response times for dispatchers and officers were behavioral health incidents, medical emergencies, traffic stops, officer requests for help, area checks, and alarms. • Examining CAD events generated through 911 calls for service and those that are officer-initiated reveals that, in Tucson and New Orleans, 911 calls were most prevalent in the CAD system. However, in both Camden and Seattle, officer-initiated events accounted for most CAD entries. In Detroit, the proportions of CAD entries varied across the study period, shifting from being mostly 911 responses to mostly officer-initiated events. The findings across all sites suggest the need for future research and local conversations about whether certain types of 911 calls for service require responses by police. There are critical gaps in knowledge regarding the underlying needs, causes, and consequences for these resource intensive calls for service that do not involve a crime. The current research also produced initial empirical evidence of how data collected by call takers and dispatchers relates to officer activity on the ground (discussed in Chapter 6). In both Camden and Tucson, incidents labeled as violent were more likely to result in arrest than those labeled nonviolent. However, incidents categorized as nonviolent were more likely to result in arrest when initiated by police than when originating from a 911 call, revealing a divergence that suggests the need for additional research. To a large extent, mental health and medical incidents were diverted from criminal justice enforcement, potentially indicating that the focus on mental health awareness has the potential to pay dividends. Vera’s analysis also revealed the potential for gathering additional data in the 911 call context to advance broader insights, such as how to improve call-taker and dispatcher operations to support improvements in criminal justice outcomes and the integration of additional variables to permit more varied and appropriate responses to 911 calls. The research also sought to test the viability of data science methods known as Natural Language Processing (NLP) in order to understand if data contained within CAD narrative fields (which makes up much of the CAD data) appears frequently enough to merit developing mechanisms to capture and analyze this information in a more structured manner (e.g., to develop new structured CAD codes). Several key findings emerged from applying the NLP approach, methods, and techniques to Camden and Tucson’s 911 data (described in Chapter 7). The high-level results include the following: • The narrative fields in the CAD entries are essential to making accurate policing decisions. • Subjective bias can be injected into the narrative fields by call-takers, dispatchers, and officers. • Additional research is needed to understand why this detectable difference between the narrative field and the structured data exists; how call-takers, dispatchers, and officers use the narrative field; and how much cognitive load is placed on officers when consuming the narrative data as opposed to the structured data. This inquiry would require researchers to review the data manually and identify another method to compare structured and unstructured data fields prior to employing a computational/algorithmic approach. To further explore the empirical findings that resulted from the research activities, Vera hosted a national convening of law enforcement leaders and system stakeholders (summarized in Chapter 8). At the convening, researchers presented their findings, explored alternatives to enforcement, and collaborated to identify opportunities for reform. This convening was held in partnership with Arnold Ventures and George Mason University’s Center for Evidence-Based Crime Policy (CEBCP). Both research teams (Vera and CEBCP) presented their findings to explore implications of the research and spark innovations, particularly around alternatives to enforcement. Participants from 40 organizations across the country were in attendance, including representatives from 10 police departments, five public safety communications agencies, and 10 research organizations. The room was full and engaged. The convening’s energy and insights provided clear evidence that additional conversation and collaboration on the topic is both needed and wanted. This report concludes with a number of key policy recommendations and practitioner innovations (presented in Chapter 9), ranging from developing new protocols for how and if police departments should respond to unverified burglar alarms to providing de-escalation tactics trainings to 911 call-takers and dispatchers. Clear needs have emerged for better call taking and recording practices, as well as standardized codes and procedures, with the goal of improving procedural justice, customer service, and the safety and wellbeing of officers, community members, call-takers, and dispatchers. Many practical solutions exist, some of which are currently being implemented and tested and others that are on the cutting edge. One effort that is feasible and valuable in the immediate term is developing a national coalition to advance thinking, practice, research, and standardization. This can be achieved through the roundtable model that has successfully mobilized reform in many other areas of the justice system for the past several decades.4 Alternatives to police response and collaborative community responses have shown great promise for integration into 911 call processing. Additional investments in this research and practice can help inform taking them to scale in local jurisdictions nationally. Many opportunities exist, and needs abound—this research makes clear that the 911 system is both massive and neglected. Though much was accomplished through the course of this current research effort, in most places the 911 call-taking, dispatching, and police response continuum continues to operate as a ‘black box,’ and there is a pressing need for further investment and research. Myriad opportunities exist to further develop this work, including continued and expanded analysis of the data already in hand. Other opportunities to expand the national conversation with roundtables about national standards, best practices, and building coalitions for understanding practice and moving it forward present an immediate first step in continuing to meaningfully advance this work. The goal of this and future work is to enhance public safety, promote meaningful alternatives to 911, and eliminate unnecessary police response and enforcement.   

New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2020. 316[.

By Fran Warren, Francesca Gualco, Hannah Davidson, Ella Edginton

Purpose of the paper: The main purpose of this paper is to assess how COVID-19 may have impacted international policing responses during the easing of lockdown in other countries in order to identify any useful learning. For this reason, evidence from Scotland is not included. Jurisdictions covered England, Northern Ireland, Republic of Ireland, New Zealand, Netherlands, Norway and France. Note on the evidence This paper highlights factors around policing responses to be considered as part of forward planning, based on the evidence and intelligence available. The information in this paper was collected through a ‘rapid intelligence review’ of publicly available sources, such as relevant agency reports, government reports, and news reporting. This paper provides the most up-to-date available evidence, commentary and intelligence on international policing responses but as the evidence is rapidly evolving it may not be in all cases, completely up-to-date at the time of reading. Please note that the information provided covers the period up until 15 June 2020.   

Edinburgh: Scottish Government, Justice  Analytic Services, 2020. 76p.

By Fran Warren, Francesca Gualco, Hannah Davidson, Ella Edginton 

Purpose of the paper: The main purpose of this paper is to assess how COVID-19 may have impacted international policing responses during lockdown in other countries, in order to identify any useful learning. For this reason, evidence from Scotland is not included. Jurisdictions covered England and Wales, Northern Ireland, Republic of Ireland, Italy, France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, New Zealand, South Korea and USA. Note on the evidence The information in this paper was collected through a ‘rapid intelligence review’ of publicly available sources, such as relevant agency reports, government reports, and news reporting. This paper provides the most up-to-date available evidence, commentary and intelligence on international policing responses, but as the situation is rapidly evolving it may not be in all cases completely up-to-date at the time of reading.   

Edinburgh: Scottish Government, Justice Analytical Services, 2020. 53p.

By Emily Owens and Bocar Ba

The efficiency of any police action depends on the relative magnitude of its crime-reducing benefits and legitimacy costs. Policing strategies that are socially efficient at the city level may be harmful at the local level, because the distribution of direct costs and benefits of police actions that reduce victimization is not the same as the distribution of indirect benefits of feeling safe. In the United States, the local misallocation of police resources is disproportionately borne by Black and Hispanic individuals. Despite the complexity of this particular problem, the incentives facing both police departments and police officers tend to be structured as if the goals of policing were simple—to reduce crime by as much as possible. Formal data collection on the crime-reducing benefits of policing, and not the legitimacy costs, produces further incentives to provide more engagement than may be efficient in any specific encounter, at both the officer and departmental level. There is currently little evidence as to what screening, training, or monitoring strategies are most effective at encouraging individual officers to balance the crime reducing benefits and legitimacy costs of their actions.

JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES VOL. 35, NO. 4, FALL 2021 (pp. 3–28)

By The Europol Innovation Lab ( © European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation, 2024

This report aims to provide the law enforcement community with a comprehensive understanding of the various applications and uses of artificial intelligence (AI) in their daily operations. It seeks to serve as a textbook for internal security practitioners, offering guidance on how to responsibly and compliantly implement AI technologies. In addition to showcasing the potential benefits and innovative applications of AI, such as AI-driven data analytics, the report also aims to raise awareness about the potential pitfalls and ethical considerations of AI use in law enforcement. By addressing these challenges, the report endeavours to equip law enforcement professionals with the knowledge necessary to navigate the complexities of AI, ensuring its effective and ethical deployment in their work. The report focuses on large and complex data sets, open-source intelligence (OSINT) and natural language processing (NLP). It also delves into the realm of digital forensics, computer vision, biometrics, and touches on the potential of generative AI. The use of AI by law enforcement is increasingly scrutinised due to its ethical and societal dimensions. The report attempts to address concerns about data bias, fairness, and potential encroachments on privacy, accountability, human rights protection and discrimination. These concerns become particularly relevant in the context of the EU’s Artificial Intelligence Act (EU AI Act), an overview of which is detailed in this report, as well as its broader context. The report emphasises the significance of the forthcoming regulation, detailing its objectives, scope, and principal provisions. The Act’s implications for law enforcement agencies are also discussed, emphasising the balance between fostering innovation and ensuring ethical use beyond compliance. Central to the report is the assessment of how law enforcement can maintain a delicate balance between leveraging AI’s benefits and addressing its inherent restrictions. Strategies for addressing bias, privacy concerns, and the pivotal role of accountability frameworks, are elaborated. The report highlights the importance of innovative regulatory environments. The concluding section forecasts the trajectory of AI in law enforcement, underscoring the potential technological advancements on the horizon. It also emphasises the need for public trust and acceptance, and the importance of collaboration and knowledge sharing. This comprehensive document serves as both a guide and a reflective tool for stakeholders vested in the confluence of AI and law enforcement within the European landscape.  

Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2 : 2024. 61p.