By Samantha Weston, Clare Griffiths and Anne-Marie Day 

Louise Casey’s review revealed a series of concerns about London Metropolitan Police concluding that institutional racism, misogyny and homophobia pervades across the whole organisation. Acknowledging that police legitimacy is under threat, some have called for the police to be defunded. Drawing on data collected via a survey and focus groups with children and young people from traditionally unheard minoritised groups attending a community-based programme, this article reveals low levels of satisfaction with and trust of the police among this group. In contrast, activities based and created within young people’s own communities provided opportunities to be safe, protected and among people they trusted. Drawing on Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, we suggest that the call to ‘defund the police’ may not be the radical alternative that many would have us believe and instead call to ‘refund civil society’ by advocating for a ‘community first’ approach to resolve complex social problems.

By Robin S. Engel, Nicholas Corsaro, Gabrielle T. Isaza, Hannah D. McManus, University of Cincinnati

In recent months, law enforcement officers have been faced with an unprecedented set of circumstances, navigating major social unrest in communities amid a pandemic and economic crisis. Acknowledging the dangers to both the community and officers, efforts have intensified to identify “solutions” to reduce the frequency and severity of violent encounters between police and the public. Calls for the adoption of “de-escalation” policies and training – widely endorsed by policy makers, policing experts, and the public – have been especially strong, and recent statistics on law enforcement practices suggest the field has responded (Engel et al., 2020b). For example, in a 2019 national survey of 155 large police departments in the United States, nearly all responding agencies indicated they offered some form of de-escalation training to officers in their agency (CBS, 2019). Although the implementation of de-escalation training is often encouraged, the effects of this training on police officers and their interactions with the public has not been systematically evaluated (Engel et al., 2020a). For this reason, the impact of de-escalation training on the frequency and severity of officers’ use of force and the subsequent injuries to citizens and officers is not well understood. It was within this context that the Louisville (KY) Metro Police Department (LMPD) stepped forward to both deliver and participate in the evaluation of a deescalation training. Specifically, the LMPD introduced the Police Executive Research Forum’s (PERF) Integrating Communications, Assessment, and Tactics (ICAT) training program to instruct officers in de-escalation tactics and critical thinking skills for the management of potentially volatile police-citizen encounters. Seeking to understand the effectiveness of this training, the LMPD partnered with the International Association of Chiefs of Police/University of Cincinnati Center for Police Research and Policy (IACP/UC Center) to conduct an independent, external evaluation of the effects of the ICAT training on their agency. This report documents the methodology and findings of the evaluation of ICAT training implemented within the LMPD. This study represents one of the first large-scale, methodologically rigorous evaluations of a well-known de-escalation training for police. Specifically, this study uses a multi-method approach, relying upon two distinct survey designs (i.e., repeated measure survey design, cross-sectional survey design) to assess the impact of training on the perceptions and self-reported experiences of officers and first-line supervisors, and a stepped-wedge randomized control trial design to examine training effects on officers’ behaviors and changes in the outcomes of police-citizen encounters. This seminal study is the first randomized control trial to demonstrate a significant reduction in officer use of force following de-escalation training implementation.

By David Bruce and Gareth Newham

Key findings There is strong evidence of ongoing widespread corruption in the South African Police Service (SAPS), including among its senior leaders. Corruption levels in the metro and traffic police are also high, although they receive less scrutiny than the SAPS. Perceptions of high levels of police corruption contribute to low levels of public trust in the police. TrA range of agencies and mechanisms are tasked with investigating police corruption, but no agency has overall responsibility. Coordination between agencies is limited. SAPS has introduced multiple anti-corruption strategies, but has not implemented intelligencedriven measures to ensure that corruption is tackled effectively. The SAPS Anti-Corruption Investigation Unit (ACIU) is substantially under-resourced. Despite evidence of misconduct, a majority (77%) of SAPS disciplinary hearings result in no meaningful accountability.ust is vital for the police to effectively address crime. SAPS members are often unwilling to report crime or corruption by colleagues because they fear negative consequences for themselves. The willingness of many members of the public to pay bribes is an important contributor to high levels of police corruption.

By Corinne Worthington, et al.

In this report, S.T.O.P. details the NYPD Domain Awareness System’s unparalleled invasion of New Yorkers’ privacy rights. Formed through a public-private partnership with Microsoft, the DAS is an opaque surveillance command center that collects data from tens of thousands of camera feeds, license plate readers, radiological sensors, and other spyware for real-time, warrantless surveillance of New Yorkers across the city. The report uses the NYPD’s own public statements to detail the scope of surveillance systems that monitor New Yorkers every day.

Key Findings Include:

• The New York City Police Department’s Domain Awareness System (“DAS”) links citywide camera networks, license plate readers, drone and helicopter feeds, ShotSpotter gunshot alerts, 911 and 311 call records, and countless police records, law enforcement databases, and data streams into a single surveillance network.

•  Part sensor network, part search engine, the DAS is the backbone of the NYPD’s surveillance program. Every NYPD officer has unfettered access to DAS data on their smartphone, allowing them to use and misuse this information for nearly any purpose.

• DAS surveillance drives discriminatory stops and arrests of BIPOC and Muslim New Yorkers by giving officers access to illegal and prejudicial information.

•  The NYPD has expanded the DAS rapidly without oversight and ignored court-mandated reforms.

By The American Immigration Council

Across several presidential administrations, the federal government has used American businesses to enforce immigration law through worksite enforcement. Worksite-specific immigration enforcement encompasses a wide variety of activities, including criminal investigations, business audits, and administrative arrests.1 This includes high-profile operations primarily conducted by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), where the agency targets one or more businesses to both investigate employers and to arrest employees as a means to deter unauthorized employment. While there is not a common term used for this tactic, it is often referred to as worksite or workplace immigration “enforcement action” or “raid.”2 This factsheet provides a brief history of worksite raids, discusses the agencies involved and the legal authorities relied upon by these agencies to conduct them, reviews legal challenges and issues related to worksite raids, and briefly summarizes the economic and humanitarian consequences of these raids.

By The Council of State Governments Justice Center

Homelessness is a growing crisis in America, increasing by 12% between 2022 and 2023 alone. While there are a range of ideas about how to address this issue, in many places across the country, law enforcement officers are still typically the default first responders to these kinds of community concerns. This publication details how communities can strategically plan for and assess their law enforcement homelessness response efforts, using a shared vision, a logic model, and regular assessments to determine if the response is achieving its intended goals. It also discusses the importance of expanding the knowledge base of law enforcement practices and strategies to establish a set of national standards for effective and successful homelessness responses.

By His Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Constabulary 

This spotlight report highlights how police forces and national bodies must work together to make sure forces can meet the demand faced by online child sexual abuse and exploitation teams and management of sexual offenders and violent offenders teams.

We have reviewed the findings related to the work done by these teams from our 2021/22 and 2023–25 police effectiveness, efficiency and legitimacy inspections, and identified where police forces could further improve, as well as examples of good practice and innovation.

We have identified where police forces could further improve, as well as examples of good practice and innovation. And we have identified opportunities for the National Police Chiefs’ Council, College of Policing and the Home Office to work with forces to improve the system. Our report makes 16 recommendations to support this aim.

By Roland Neil, Bonnie Ghosh-Dastidar, Beau Kilmer, Michael W. Robbins, Kristin Warren

Objectives

Racial disparities in arrests are a major concern, particularly when it comes to drug enforcement. In 2021, Oregon decriminalized the possession of controlled substances as part of Measure 110 (M-110), an unprecedented policy change in the United States. We estimate how M-110 affected five types of arrests, overall and by race.

Methods

National Incident-Based Reporting System data covering 3,642 police agencies from 43 states for 2018-2023 are combined with 2020 Census data. We extend a synthetic control methodology developed for micro-level data to test whether policy effects differ across groups and whether policies affect disparities, using permutation inference to quantify uncertainty.

Results

M-110 reduced drug possession arrest rates in Oregon for the overall population (67.8%) and for the three racial groups we focus on: Black (75.6%), Hispanic (77.5%); and White (66.2%), with the reduction being statistically significantly larger for Hispanic and Black than White individuals. M-110 reduced disorder arrest rates by 30.9% for Black individuals, which is statistically significantly different from zero and the White estimate. Black-White rate differences in drug possession arrests fell by 79.5% and in disorder arrests by 41.7%. In general, M-110 did not affect arrest rates for violent, property, or drug trafficking offenses.

Conclusions

M-110 reduced drug possession arrests while reducing Black-White rate differences. M-110 led to a decrease in disorder arrests for Black individuals, suggesting police did not substitute one arrest type for another for this population. Our method offers a new approach for examining heterogeneous policy effects and how policies affect disparities.

By D.J. Summers

in the past five years, Colorado’s largest cities have had very different experiences of crime.

Colorado’s violent and property crime rates rose sharply in the early 2020s, prompting varying responses from leaders at state and local levels. Some have been more successful than others, according to the most recently available Colorado Bureau of Investigation data.

CSI analyzed the violent and property crime trends of Colorado’s ten largest cities: Denver, Colorado Springs, Aurora, Fort Collins, Lakewood, Thornton, Arvada, Westminster, Pueblo, and Centennial. These ten cities represent just under half the state’s total population, with a combined population of roughly 2.3 million residents. CSI analyzed the average violent and property crime rates per 100,000 people through the first two quarters of each year between 2016 and 2025. Pueblo’s police data is not current and could not be included in the analysis.

Property and violent crime cost the state $27 billion in economic losses in 2022 between the tangible and intangible effects of reported and unreported crime. It is imperative that public leaders continually examine and understand which policies best address crime rates.

Key Findings

Denver’s violent crime rate is the highest among Colorado’s largest cities, with 235 violent crimes per 100,000 people.

 Aurora’s is second highest, with 203 violent crimes per 100,000 people.

Aurora’s violent crime has remained beneath Denver’s for three years, breaking the trend of the late 2010s and early 2020s in which Aurora’s rates were higher.

Only Colorado Springs saw an increase in the violent crime rate between 2022 and 2025.

Among the largest cities, Aurora saw the sharpest decrease in violent crime rate.

Aurora saw the second highest decrease in violent crime rate, with a 36% decrease.

Denver has the highest property crime rate of Colorado’s largest cities, with 1,122 property crimes per 100,000 people.

Lakewood has the second highest rate, with 1,099 per 100,000 people.

Aurora and Centennial had the sharpest decreases in property crime rate since 2021, at 56%, 49%, and 44%, respectively. 

By Cynthia Lum, Christopher S. Koper, Hyunji Lee, Daniel S. Nagin, Lawrence Sherman

Research Question Can research discover the true cost-effectiveness of new technologies in policing, such as automatic license plate readers (ALPR)? Data We review the findings of many impact tests of introducing ALPR readers in predominantly US police agencies. Methods We place the data in the context of the two key police mandates: public safety and public confidence. We then apply the logic of linking findings specific to the new technology with the two broad mandates. Findings The effect of any technology on police outcomes depends heavily on how it is implemented in the larger context of organizational systems and culture. The effect is also conditioned by a broad body of evidence that the key mandates depend on far broader foundations than on any specific technology. Conclusions Evidence-based policing cannot be built from isolated findings, such as marginal changes in outputs or outcomes associated with new technologies. Linking new technologies to joined-up systems of targeting, testing, and tracking is required before we can ask whether the technologies are cost-effective.

Cambridge Journal of Evidence-Based Policing (2025)

By David Spencer

Summary of Recommendations 1. Given the very poor performance of the Metropolitan Police across a wide range of areas for an extended period – including prior to the present Commissioner’s term of office and particularly in relation to the fight against crime – the Home Secretary should become the “policing body” for the Metropolitan Police. This would remove the Mayor of London’s role in relation to oversight of policing in the capital. Shifting direct political oversight to the Home Secretary, as the minister principally responsible to Parliament for policing and crime, will enable both Government and Parliament to exercise far greater scrutiny and influence over the force’s performance in a way which has the potential to deliver the significant improvements which are required. 2. To enable the Metropolitan Police to shift the force’s principal focus to local crime fighting, the Government should transfer responsibility for the national leadership of the police counterterrorism network from the Metropolitan Police to a national Counter-Terrorism Policing body led by a Chief Constable. 3. The Chief Inspector of Constabulary should return the Metropolitan Police to the “Engage” process – more commonly known as “Special Measures”. The force was, based on performance across several areas, erroneously removed from the “Engage” process inmore commonly known as “Special Measures”. The force was, based on performance across several areas, erroneously removed from the “Engage” process in January 2025. There should be a presumption that all materials relating to the “Engage” process should be made publicly available. The current lack of transparency provides the public with little confidence that the necessary steps are being taken to deliver substantial improvements in the force’s performance. 4. The Home Secretary should order an inspection of the Metropolitan Police’s approach to protest policing using section 54 (2B) Police Act 1996. This should include consideration of both the strategic approach and operational tactics used, including what new strategies and tactics are required to more effectively deal with large-scale and widespread protests. This should consider the strategies and approaches used in other jurisdictions to determine what might be learned and adopted by the force – in particular the willingness of police chiefs to use non-human based means of “creating distance” between officers and protestors. 5. The Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police should review the performance of his most senior leaders and where individuals have been found to have failed to perform to the necessary standard, in some cases over very long periods, they should be replaced at the earliest opportunity. There should also be a substantial change in the approach to performance management for middle and senior leaders in the organisation – including being prepared to more willingly remove officers and staff who fail to deliver the necessary levels of performance, particularly in relation to fighting crime. Data should be published on every senior officer’s performance on crime-fighting throughout their leadership career. There should be a substantial increase in the transparency of the force’s Frontline Policing performance meetings, where local police commanders are questioned on their performance. This should include the publication of performance data, the publication of the meeting’s minutes and the option for members of the public to attend these meetings through online hosting. 

London: Policy Exchange, 2025. 52p.

By Graeme R. Newman and Ronald V. Clarke

In Superhighway Robbery, Graeme Newman and Ronald Clarke provide a grounded, pragmatic analysis of how the digital revolution didn't necessarily create new types of criminals, but rather provided them with a much more efficient set of tools. They move away from the sensationalized "hacker" myths of the early 2000s to focus on the cold reality of Situational Crime Prevention. The book's central thesis is that the internet acts as a vast infrastructure—a superhighway—that significantly reduces the effort required to commit traditional crimes like theft, fraud, and piracy while increasing the potential rewards and lowering the risk of being caught.

By applying their famous CRAVED model to the digital world, the authors explain that data and software are the ultimate targets because they are easily concealable, removable, and available. They argue that the most effective way to stop cybercrime is not to wait for a change in human nature, but to change the digital environment itself. This involves "designing out" crime by making digital targets harder to reach and less profitable to exploit. Ultimately, Newman and Clarke strip away the mystery of the "Information Age" to reveal that cybercrime is essentially a matter of opportunity, and by closing those digital windows of opportunity, we can make the superhighway a significantly safer place.

In the digital realm, the CRAVED model explains why certain data or media becomes a prime target for "superhighway robbery." Concealability is at an all-time high because digital files take up no physical space and can be hidden in encrypted folders or behind innocuous filenames, making them easy to possess without detection. These files are incredibly Removable because they can be copied or moved across the globe in milliseconds, allowing a thief to "steal" an item while the original remains in place. The Availability of these targets is virtually limitless; once a movie or piece of software is uploaded to a server, it is accessible to anyone with a connection, twenty-four hours a day.

The Value of digital goods remains high because they often represent thousands of hours of professional labor or sensitive personal information that can be sold on the dark web. These items are also highly Enjoyable, as they often consist of popular entertainment, games, or high-end tools that people naturally want to use. Finally, they are perfectly Disposablebecause there is a massive, ready-made market of willing buyers or downloaders, ensuring that a criminal can quickly offload their "loot" for profit or social capital without the logistical headaches of physical fencing.

Cullompton, Devon. UK. Willan. 2003.

By Beth Mooney Isabella Ross Sophie Wilkinson Danielle Banks Teresa Hulme

Executive summary The Home Secretary announced plans to deliver a Neighbourhood Policing Guarantee (NPG) in November last year, with the aim of rebuilding trust between local police forces and communities. This followed a decade where neighbourhood policing was, in effect, deprioritised and levels of public trust in the police and feelings of safety had declined substantially. This report makes 11 recommendations around how the NPG can be implemented in a way which meets public expectations, overcomes barriers identified by current neighbourhood officers and actively takes into account lessons learned from delivering the 2019 Police Uplift Programme. There are three sets of findings: Public’s priorities As a priority, the public are clear that they want their local neighbourhood policing teams to be physically visible in the community. They want these officers to engage with the public regularly, serving as the ‘friendly face’ of policing. More broadly, the public want neighbourhood policing teams to be more accessible to them, with clear information available around how they can be contacted directly and improved communication about what they are doing and why. Barriers identified by current neighbourhood officers A key barrier emerged from our focus groups with current neighbourhood officers and staff - that neighbourhood policing was not actively viewed as a specialism within forces. Officers reflected that this had two consequences. Firstly, resource was abstracted more often from neighbourhood policing teams compared with other teams, which limited their delivery against neighbourhood priorities. Secondly, neighbourhood policing was not viewed as a long-term career option, making it difficult to retain experienced neighbourhood officers and staff. Lessons learned from the 2019 Police Uplift Programme As part of the NPG, the Government has pledged to deliver 13,000 additional neighbourhood officers, PCSOs and Special Constables. Officers and staff were clear that additional resource was necessary to successfully deliver the NPG. A review of how the 2019 Police Uplift Programme, which recruited 20,000 officers, impacted policing outcomes demonstrates that simply increasing resource will not necessarily directly lead to better outcomes. It is clear from our analysis that infrastructure around uplifted resources – including appropriate timeframes for onboarding new recruits, sufficient recruitment and vetting capacity, and training plans – is critical. Using the findings set out here, recommendations to support the implementation of the NPG have been made across 4 key themes: Recruitment and training specifically for neighbourhood policing roles, retaining skilled neighbourhood officers and Special Constables over the longer-term, setting strategic and operational plans to anchor the NPG implementation in every force.

London: Crest, 2025

Robert VerBruggen Fellow

Recent years have seen significant activism against “gunshot detection technology,” or GDT— most prominently, the ShotSpotter product. This technology monitors neighborhoods for loud percussive sounds likely to be gunshots and—after a brief review process to limit false positives— alerts the police to the incidents and their locations. Opponents claim that the technology is inaccurate, racially biased (as sensors are disproportionately placed in minority neighborhoods), ineffective in helping police respond to crime, and simply not worth the cost. The purpose of this report is to dispassionately assess the evidence regarding each of these criticisms of GDT. Key findings include: • Racial bias: Sensors appear to be placed based on levels of gun violence—i.e., where they are most needed—though these areas do tend to be disproportionately minority. • Accuracy: There are relatively few proven false alerts. However, police often fail to find actionable evidence of a shooting when responding. • Effectiveness: ShotSpotter delivers on its promise of getting police to shooting scenes faster, identifying gunfire that otherwise would have gone unnoticed, and increasing evidence collection. But many studies are unable to measure increases in clearance rates or reductions in shootings in places where GDT is deployed. • Costs: The direct costs of GDT are generally a tiny fraction of total police spending in big cities, and officers spend a relatively small share of their total time responding to alerts, though resource- and staff-constrained departments will feel these burdens most acutely. The cost-benefit trade-off of GDT will vary from department to department, especially because some are better equipped than others to handle the additional police workload and comprehensively process new evidence. In addition, reasonable people may disagree about how to value the technology’s proven benefits to investigations in light of unclear effects on clearance and crime rates. One sensible approach is for departments to focus primarily on hiring adequate staff to respond to calls and to create a strong infrastructure to support investigations. Departments can then explore whether the additional information provided by GDT is worth the costs.

New York: Manhattan Institute 2025. 21p.

By Arthur MacDonald.

The narrative in Volume 1 asks many pointed questions: What does it mean to be “abnormal”? Who decides? And how have these judgments shaped modern science, education, and criminal justice?

First published in 1893, Arthur MacDonald’s Abnormal Man is one of the earliest American attempts to systematically study human difference through the emerging tools of psychology, anthropology, and criminology. Drawing on international research—from European criminal anthropology to American child-study movements—MacDonald sought to classify the physical, mental, and moral traits considered “aberrant” in his era. His work reflects the hopes and anxieties of a society confronting rapid industrialization, immigration, social change, and new scientific approaches to crime and mental health.

To the modern reader, Abnormal Man reveals both the ambition and the pitfalls of nineteenth-century science. Its pages contain pioneering observations about child development, deviance, and social responsibility, alongside early theories—now discredited—about heredity, physiognomy, and race. What emerges is a vivid and sometimes unsettling portrait of a culture striving to understand human variation without the benefit of modern psychology or ethical safeguards.

The Read-Me.org edition Volume 1 presents Abnormal Man as both a historical artifact and a gateway to critical reflection. It illustrates how scientific thought evolves, how cultural bias can shape research, and how early debates about abnormality laid the groundwork for contemporary approaches to mental health, special education, criminology, and social policy. To make such work, much of it controversial then as it is today, minimally believable, requires extensive documentation. The voluminous Bibliography of Abnormal Man reproduced here in Volume 2, contains all that Macdnald referred to within his detailed exposition. To some, his arguments may seem unsupported, or lacking in evidence. But he left no stone untuned as this amazing bibliographical documentation of all relative contemporary research

A foundational text at the crossroads of science and society, Abnormal Man invites readers to explore the origins of modern debates about deviance, diversity, and the boundaries of the “normal.”

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 240p.

By Mahesh Nalla and Graeme Newman

When the first edition of A Primer in Private Security was published, its principal purpose was to demonstrate that private policing was not a mere auxiliary to public law enforcement but a robust and rapidly growing institution with its own organizational forms, priorities, and traditions. At that time, the Hallcrest Report had just confirmed that private security personnel outnumbered public police officers in the United States, a landmark finding that set the tone for debates about the privatization of policing .

Nearly four decades later, the central argument remains as relevant as ever, but the field itself has changed dramatically. Private security is now not only a supplement to public policing but a global, technologically sophisticated industry involved in nearly every sector of modern life. While we think that the original book still remains relevant to security today, we suggest in this preface that the reader approach the content from the point of view of four major perspectives that dominate security  (the word “private” seems old fashioned and less appropriate given that what is public and what is private have become incredibly and interwoven largely as a result of media, especially social media). 

The four perspectives are:

1.     the domestic sphere of home and family,

2.     the economic sphere of business,

3.     the public sphere of local and state government, and

4.     the international sphere of global security and climate-related risk.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 183p.

By Robin Joy

This report explores the utility of using Vermont criminal histories to understand probation and parole violations. We conclude that criminal histories alone are not sufficient to understand the dynamics of probation and parole violations. Intensive Department of Corrections (DOC) resources would be needed to better understand the when, where, and what of violations. Methods We used two data sources to identify who was released on probation or parole. For parole releases we used the National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP) report that is generated by the Vermont Department of Corrections and submitted to the federal government. This report is an offender-level report that captures entries and releases from correctional facilities. We used the reports that captured Federal Fiscal Year data from 2016, 2017, and 2018. We used this dataset to identify people who were released from facilities and therefore might have been placed on parole. We requested their Vermont criminal histories and identified if/when they were released on parole. They became our parole cohort. The probation cohort was generated from the Court Adjudication Database maintained by Crime Research Group (CRG). We selected people who were sentenced to probation or deferred sentences (which is also a probationary sentence) for the probation cohort. We had to exclude people sentenced to a split sentence. A split sentence is a type of sentence that is split between incarceration in a facility and then a subsequent period of time on probation. We did not include these people because we could not accurately identify when someone was released from a correctional facility to probation. In the NCRP data, the release could be the initial release or release from an incarceration due to a probation violation. The criminal histories no longer capture when someone is released on probation. The final cohort for probation, deferred, and parole are described below in Table 1. As is often the case with criminal justice data in Vermont, there were too few people of Asian, Indigenous, and Hispanic descent to provide detailed numbers without the possibility of someone being identified

Montpelier, VT: Crime Research Group, 2022. 9p.

By Megan Novak

Vermont’s victim service providers, law enforcement, and legislature have been interested in understanding state trends related to sex and labor trafficking. In this regard, Crime Research Group reviewed Vermont human trafficking data recorded in the National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS). NIBRS was created to capture details on specific crime incidents including information about victims, known offenders, victim-offender relationships, arrestees, and property involved. Since the 1990s, Vermont law enforcement have been NIBRS compliant meaning that information concerning certain crimes known to Vermont law enforcement are logged in NIBRS. This report reviews available NIBRS data reported between 2015-2019. A preliminary review indicated that there were no labor or sex trafficking cases recorded in 2015. Furthermore, between 2016-2019, there were no recorded incidents involving labor trafficking offenses. Therefore, this report focuses on sex trafficking offenses that occurred between 2016-2019 in Vermont. Annual review of NIBRS sex trafficking data will help identify trends and monitor data quality. Trends to be monitored include, but are not limited to, total number of incidents and offenses, offense circumstances (e.g., substances involved, weapons used), as well as victim and offender demographics.

Montpelier, VT: Crime Research Group, 2021. 7p.

Bennett, Phil; Cucos, Radu; Winch, Ryan

From the document: "The intersection of AI and transnational crime, particularly its application in human trafficking, represents an emerging and critically important area of study. This brief has been developed with a clear objective: to equip policymakers, law enforcement agencies, and the technology sector with the insights needed to anticipate and pre-emptively address the potential implications of AI on trafficking in persons. While we respond to the early instances of the use of AI by transnational criminal organisations, such as within Southeast Asia's cyber-scam centres, a more systemic approach is required. The potential for transnational criminal organisations to significantly expand their operations using AI technologies is considerable, and with it comes the risk of exponentially increasing harm to individuals and communities worldwide. It is imperative that we act now, before the most severe impacts of AI-enabled trafficking are realised. We have a unique time-limited opportunity--and indeed, a responsibility--to plan, train, and develop policies that can mitigate these emerging threats. This report aims to concretise this discussion by outlining specific scenarios where AI and trafficking could intersect, and to initiate a dialogue on how we can prepare and respond effectively. This document is not intended to be definitive, but rather to serve as a foundation for a broader, ongoing discussion. The ideas presented here are initial steps, and it will require innovative thinking, adequate resourcing, and sustained engagement from all sectors to build upon them effectively."

Organization For Security And Co-Operation In Europe. Office Of The Special Representative And Co-Ordinator For Combating Trafficking In Human Beings; Bali Process (Forum). Regional Support Office .NOV, 2024

UNITED STATES. OFFICE OF NATIONAL DRUG CONTROL POLICY

From the document: "America is facing the deadliest drug threat in our history. Over the last 25 years, drug overdose deaths in the United States from synthetic opioids, including fentanyl, have risen to more than 100 times their 1999 levels. The rate of fatal overdoses from other drugs, including cocaine and methamphetamine, has also surged. The overdose crisis calls for bold action. The Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) has outlined vital steps for attacking two drivers of this crisis. [...] ONDCP's 2024 '[National Drug Control] Strategy' looks to the future this Nation needs. That future is one with greater access to prevention, treatment, harm reduction and recovery support services; with a focus on equity and equal justice; with support for incarcerated individuals, as well as post-incarceration reentry assistance; with a SUD [substance use disorder] and health care workforce that meets our Nation's needs; with a payment system that sufficiently funds care; and with a concerted transnational effort to hold drug traffickers, their enablers, and facilitators accountable. [...] The 2024 'Strategy' is aimed at addressing the overdose crisis from multiple angles. This includes preventing youth substance use, expanding access to life-saving medications like naloxone, expanding access to evidence-based treatment, building a recovery-ready Nation, and ramping up efforts to disrupt and dismantle drug trafficking."

UNITED STATES. WHITE HOUSE OFFICE; UNITED STATES. EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT; . MAY, 2024. 124p.