By Ring W. Gardner (Author), Colin Heston (Preface) Format: Kindle Edition

Round Up gathers together the taut, muscular stories of Ring W. Lardner, a writer whose work bridges the divide between the mythologized West and its harsher, less forgiving realities. In these pages, Lardner is neither sentimental nor nostalgic. He strips the Western narrative to its barest elements, presenting us with a landscape that is both expansive and claustrophobic, and characters who are caught between the lure of freedom and the inevitability of fate.
Lardner’s contribution to the American short story lies in his ability to invest the familiar tropes of frontier life with psychological depth and moral ambiguity. His cowboys and ranchers are not mere archetypes; they are restless souls negotiating loyalty, isolation, and survival in a world where law and justice are provisional at best. The violence in these stories is never gratuitous—it is sudden, often senseless, and always carries a human cost. Lardner understands that the West was not only a place but also an idea, one that promised reinvention yet often delivered ruin.
What sets Lardner apart from many of his contemporaries is his prose: terse, unsentimental, yet charged with a quiet lyricism. His narratives move with the inevitability of a gathering storm, his dialogue as spare as the plains he describes. The result is a body of work that feels astonishingly modern in its refusal of easy resolutions.
In an era when the Western genre risks being dismissed as an artifact of popular culture, Round Up demands reconsideration. These are not mere adventure tales or moral fables. They are stories of a liminal world, where the boundaries between civilization and wilderness, justice and vengeance, myth and memory, blur and collapse. Lardner’s West is not simply the West that was; it is also the West as it continues to haunt the American imagination.

By George Meredith (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

George Meredith’s “The Egoist” is widely regarded as one of his most accomplished and mature works, combining his characteristic wit, psychological depth, and social critique into a sharp and satirical narrative. Published in 1879, this novel represents a pinnacle in Meredith’s literary philosophy—his commitment to using fiction not merely as entertainment but as a vehicle for exploring human character, societal expectations, and the subtle dynamics of personal relationships. In many ways, “The Egoist” functions both as a comedy of manners and as a profound psychological study, holding a mirror up to the follies and vanities of Victorian society.
At the heart of “The Egoist” lies a central theme that preoccupied Meredith throughout his literary career: the tension between individual selfhood and the demands of others—particularly within the confines of marriage and social conventions. The story revolves around Sir Willoughby Patterne, a wealthy and charming yet profoundly self-absorbed gentleman, whose narcissism forms the axis upon which the novel’s drama turns. Meredith describes him as a man who regards others merely as extensions of his own identity, whose self-love blinds him to the autonomy, desires, and inner lives of those around him. Willoughby’s egoism is not the mere arrogance or pride commonly depicted in fiction but is an all-encompassing psychological state—a subtle, insidious failure of empathy and moral imagination.
In conclusion, “The Egoist” is more than a satire of a single narcissistic man; it is a brilliant dissection of the subtle forces that govern human relationships. Through its precise psychological characterization, sharp wit, and philosophical depth, the novel transcends its Victorian context to speak to enduring questions about identity, autonomy, and the ethical demands of living among others. Its challenge to readers remains as relevant today as it was in 1879: to recognize, confront, and transcend the egoisms that so often distort both personal and social life.
Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 441p..

Edited by Matthias J. Becker, Marcus Scheiber, and Uffa Jensen

This edited volume explores the evolving role of visual and multimodal expressions in spreading hate ideologies within digital communication. In digital spaces, hate speech is increasingly conveyed through memes, images, and videos, blending textual and pictorial elements to perpetuate harmful stereotypes and other exclusionary narratives. While historical perspectives on hate imagery are well-documented, this collection emphasises the pressing need for contemporary analysis of visual and multimodal communication in digital environments. Featuring contributions from interdisciplinary experts, this volume investigates the content, structure, and dynamics of normalisation of visual hate speech. By examining memes, manipulated images, and other visual artifacts, it reveals how hateful content gains traction in digital public spheres, often blurring traditional boundaries of acceptability. Through rigorous case studies and theoretical insights, the anthology provides a comprehensive understanding of how multimodality shapes hate discourse and its societal impact. Grounded in empirical research, this collection also addresses the challenges of defining and analysing hate ideologies, offering nuanced frameworks for distinguishing legitimate critique from hate-based narratives. Decoding Visual Hate is an essential resource for scholars, policymakers, teachers, and digital communicators seeking to combat the proliferation of visual hate and foster more inclusive online spaces.

Cambridge, U: Open Book Publishers, 2025. 278p.

By Scarlet Harris

Drawing on first-hand accounts from anti-racist activists and community workers in two British cities, Islamophobia, anti-racism and the British left explores the treatment of Islamophobia by those committed to challenging it. The book interrogates the ways in which anti-racist activists and community workers understand the problem of Islamophobia, and what this means for their organised responses on the ground. Islamophobia remains one of the most misunderstood varieties of racism in the current moment. By combining empirical research with sociological theory, the book casts a clarifying lens on Islamophobia’s complex relationship to ‘race’, other modalities of racism and wider structures of racial capitalism. Furthermore, it offers a critical assessment of recent attempts to talk about and tackle Islamophobia. Reflecting on key political trends in Britain, from the entrenchment of ‘counter-extremism’ policy, liberal hegemony and resurgent left nationalisms, to histories of Black radicalism and recent pro-Palestine activism, Islamophobia, anti-racism and the British left offers an alternative approach to resisting Islamophobia from and for the anti-racist left.

Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2025. 177p.

By Daniel Trottier, Qian Huang, Rashid Gabdulhakov

This book offers a common set of concepts to help make sense of online shaming practices, accounting for instances of discrimination and injury that morally divide readers and at times risk unjust and disproportionate harm to those under scrutiny. Digital media denunciation has become a primary form of expression and entertainment across media environments, with new socially desirable forms of accountability under movements such as #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter addressing longstanding forms of systematic and interpersonal abuse. Building on recent scholarship on shaming, surveillance, and denunciation in fixed contexts, this study generates a cross-contextual and multi-actor account of practices like ‘cancel culture’, ‘doxing’, and ‘status degradation ceremonies’. It addresses instances of moral ambivalence by discussing how digital shaming becomes normalized and embedded across socio-cultural and institutional settings. The authors establish key actors and practices in online denunciations of individuals in a range of cases and contexts, including responses to COVID-19, political polarisation, and social justice movements, as well as more local and quotidian circumstances. They draw from empirical data including interviews with nearly 100 individuals targeted by mediated shaming and/or involved in these practices, as well as ethnographic observations of digital vigilantism and discourse analysis of press coverage and online comments relating to online shaming. Diverse applications and contexts, including China, the UK, Russia, and Central Asia, are considered, advancing an ambivalent understanding of media and denunciation that reconciles progressive and regressive practices, as well as celebratory and critical accounts of these practices. This book is recommended reading for advanced students and researchers of online visibility and harm across media studies, cultural studies, and sociology.

London: Routledge, 2024. 130p.

By Paul McGorrery

In sentencing an offender, courts take many factors into account, such as the seriousness of the offence, the offender’s prior record, their age, whether they pleaded guilty and many others. In Australia, courts do this through an approach known as instinctive synthesis, meaning they consider all the factors that can justify a sentence being more or less severe and then arrive at a final outcome. One of the factors that courts may take into account is whether the offender has already been punished in some fashion outside the criminal justice process. Known as extra-curial punishment3 (or extra judicial or natural5 punishment) this can take various forms such as visa cancellation,6 loss of chosen career, injury to the offender8 and hardship to the offender’s family. This report is concerned with just one form of extra-curial punishment: adverse media coverage, in particular, of people. The media and the courts have an important and symbiotic relationship, but sometimes their interests can diverge. The media have an interest in reporting on criminal justice matters because they are often stories of considerable interest to their audiences. In reporting on those stories, the media often concentrate their attentions ‘on the exceptional and unusual among serious crimes’, which can lead to ‘intense and often emotive media reporting’ about sentencing. This can run the risk of undermining, rather than promoting, confidence in the justice system.

Courts in turn have an interest in having their decisions reported. Confidence in the judicial arm of the criminal justice system relies on a combination of community awareness about what courts do, the transparency of their work, and the apparent fairness of their decisions, which can only be scrutinised if there is transparency and community awareness. Moreover, the sentencing purpose of general deterrence – whereby the sentencing of one offender is thought to deter other people from engaging in similar behaviour – is realistically only achievable (if at all) if the media and/or government operate as the conduit between the courts and the community. While some courts have taken the very laudable step of making most of their sentencing remarks publicly available, many people do not even have time to read media summaries, let alone original source material like sentencing remarks, especially in the social media age. So the community realistically only becomes aware of sentencing decisions through the media. The difficulty is balancing the need for fair coverage (the courts’ priority) with the need for interesting coverage (the media’s priority). Justice Harper has described the relationship as like a ‘Greek tragedy’ because ‘[e]ach is forced by its circumstances to face the other off, with neither having the flexibility necessary to reach a satisfactory working compromise’.

Malbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council (VIC), 2022. 24p.

By David de Boer

For victims of persecution, attracting international awareness of their plight is often a matter of life and death. This book uncovers how in seventeenth-century Europe, persecuted minorities first learned how to use the press as a weapon to combat religious persecution. To mobilize foreign audiences, they faced an acute dilemma: how to make people care about distant suffering? This study argues that by answering this question, they laid the foundations of a humanitarian culture in Europe. The book reveals how, as consuming news became an everyday practice for many Europeans, the Dutch Republic emerged as an international hub of printed protest against religious violence. It traces how a diverse group of people, including Waldensian refugees, Huguenot ministers, Savoyard officeholders, and many others, all sought access to the Dutch printing presses to raise transnational solidarity for their cause. By examining their publicity strategies, this study deepens our understanding of how people tried to confront the specter of religious violence that had haunted them for generations.

Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2023. 225p.

By Dimitri A. Bogazianos

In 2010, President Barack Obama signed a law repealing one of the most controversial policies in American criminal justice history: the one hundred to one sentencing disparity between crack cocaine and powder whereby someone convicted of “simply” possessing five grams of crack—the equivalent of a few sugar packets—had been required by law to serve no less than five years in prison. In this highly original work, Dimitri A. Bogazianos draws on various sources to examine the profound symbolic consequences of America’s reliance on this punishment structure, tracing the rich cultural linkages between America’s War on Drugs, and the creative contributions of those directly affected by its destructive effects.

Focusing primarily on lyrics that emerged in 1990s New York rap, which critiqued the music industry for being corrupt, unjust, and criminal, Bogazianos shows how many rappers began drawing parallels between the “rap game” and the “crack game." He argues that the symbolism of crack in rap’s stance towards its own commercialization represents a moral debate that is far bigger than hip hop culture, highlighting the degree to which crack cocaine—although a drug long in decline—has come to represent the entire paradoxical predicament of punishment in the U.S. today.

New York; London: NYU Press, 2011. 216p.

by Gregory Forter

Though American crime novels are often derided for containing misogynistic attitudes and limiting ideas of masculinity, Greg Forter maintains that they are instead psychologically complex and sophisticated works that demand closer attention. Eschewing the synthetic methodologies of earlier work on crime fiction, Murdering Masculinities argues that the crime novel does not provide a consolidated and stable notion of masculinity. Rather, it demands that male readers take responsibility for the desires they project on to these novels.
Forter examines the narrative strategies of five novels--Hammett's The Glass Key, Cain's Serenade, Faulkner's Sanctuary, Thompson's Pop. 1280, and Himes's Blind Man with a Pistol--in conjunction with their treatment of bodily metaphors of smell, vision, and voice. In the process, Forter unearths a "generic unconscious" that reveals things Freud both discovered and sought to repress.

New York; London: NYU Press, 2000. 278p.

Sarah J. Jackson

“It is clear in news coverage of recent uprisings for Black life that journalists and media organizations struggle to reconcile the fact of ongoing racism with narratives of U.S. progress. Bound up in this struggle is how collective memory—or rather whose collective memory—shapes the practices of news-making. Here I interrogate how television news shapes collective memory of Black activism through analysis of a unique moment when protests over police abuse of Black people became newsworthy simultaneous with widespread commemorations of the civil rights movement. I detail the complex terrain of nostalgia and misremembering that provides cover for moderate and conservative delegitimization of contemporary Black activism. At the same time, counter-memories, introduced most often by members of the Black public sphere, o ff er alternative, actionable, and comprehensive interpretations of Black protest.”

Communication, Culture and Critique 00 (2021) 1–20.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

Regina Janes

FROM THE PREFACE: Why should anyone, especially sophisticated people like you and me, regard so widespread a cultural practice as beheadings as repellent? About 160,000 years ago, homo sapiens idaltu separated heads from bodies.' Homo sapiens sapiens still does. Disagreeable, fascinating, horrific, laughable, headless bodies and bodiless heads are all around us. Tim Burton, whose Sleepy Hollow (1999) sent heads flying, claims severed heads create unease that one cannot put one's finger on.? Garrison Keillor begins the millennium with a snowboarding beheading in Lake Wobegon where "we don't have many beheadings."3 Snoopy horrifies himself by accidentally beheading a snowman. Decapitating murderers horrify the rest of us, populating our prisons, our films, and our fictions. Horror or comedy: decapitation owes its current characteristic shudder to the placement of violence within the modern ideology of the body. Decapitation, like other mutilations, makes visible a violence that the west has been campaigning to make invisible since the seventeenth century, when our body-based ideology begins to emerge.

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS. New York and London. 2005. 266p.

By Thom Snaphaan & Teun van Ruitenburg 

This article presents a further development of the existing crime scripting framework to enhance insight in the financial aspects of profit-driven crime: financial crime scripting. By drawing on the foundations of crime script analysis, financial crime scripting allows to generate, organise and systematise knowledge about the financial aspects of the crime commission processes of a variety of crime types, and accounts for linking the dots with financial crimes, such as bribery, bankruptcy fraud and money laundering. Viewing these financial crimes as supporting or succeeding offences in light of profit-driven crimes, and at the same time providing guidance to analyse these offences as profit-driven crimes in itself, opens the door for detailed analyses without losing sight of the bigger picture, i.e., the interconnectedness with other crimes. This analytical method helps crime researchers to take into account the financial aspects of crime-commission processes in crime script analyses and could help law enforcement agencies and other crime prevention partners to go beyond a proceeds-of-crime approach and put a follow-the-money approach in practice. Financial crime scripting takes full account of the financial aspects of profit-driven crime and puts relevant concepts in broader perspective, enhancing understanding with conceptual clarity. In addition to outlining the framework, the relevance for policy and practice is unravelled and avenues for future research are discussed.

European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research January 2024   Download

By Victor D van Santvoord and Teun van Ruitenburg

The Netherlands operates as a distribution hub for cocaine, due to its transit characteristics cocaine is imported from South America and distributed to the rest of Europe. To enhance the financial approach to organized crimes, this article proposes a new crime script: a financial crime script. With a special focus on the importing stage, 76 Dutch court rulings are analyzed to make a first financial crime script. This financial crime script provides new insight into the proceeds, costs, and means of payment of criminal organizations and therefore could aid law enforcement in calculating criminal gains.
The Police JournalVolume 96, Issue 3, September 2023, Pages 374-389

Editors: Christiane Kruse, Birgit Meyer, and Anne-Marie Korte

What makes an image offensive? — This question is addressed in this volume. It explores tensions and debates about offensive images and performative practices in various settings in and beyond Europe. Its basic premise is that a deeper understanding of what is at stake in these tensions and debates calls for a multidisciplinary conversation. The authors focus on images that appear to trigger strongly negative reactions; images that are perceived as insulting or offensive; those subject to taboos and restrictions; or those that are condemned as blasphemous. In light of recurrent acts of violence leveled against images and symbols in the contemporary, globally entangled world, addressing instances of “icono-clash” (Bruno Latour) from a new post-secular, global perspective has become a matter of urgency.

Leiden: Brill - Schöningh and Fink Social Sciences, 2018. 383p.

By Lawrence Sherman and Cambridge University associates

Crime statistics require a radical transformation if they are to provide transparent information for the general public, as well as police operational decision-making. This statement provides a blueprint for such a transformation.

Summary

The best way to count crime is to assign a weight to the harm caused by each crime, rather than by counting all crimes as if they were created equal. This can be done by summing up the days of imprisonment recommended by sentencing guidelines for each crime type, multiplied by the number of crimes of each type that were reported by victims or witnesses, then summing the weight across all crime types to equal total crime harm. Total harm can also be calibrated by any other democratically legitimate method of assigning harm levels for each crime category in relation to all others. Any method using sentencing guidelines based on the harm caused by an offence to victims, without regard to the offender’s prior record or other circumstances, meets the standard of the Cambridge Crime Harm Index (Sherman et al. 2016).Footnote1 Other methods of weighing harm for each crime can apply the same principles outlined in this statement.

By using a single sum of weighted crime harm across all crime types, for each year in each community, governments can offer the public a more reliable indicator of their safety. The Crime Harm Index (CHI) would also provide a clearer indicator by leaving out crimes not reported by the public at large, such as police-initiated investigations of human trafficking and narcotics crimes, as well as crimes such as big-store shop-theft that are detected by a company’s security staff. The clarity comes by separate reporting of proactive investigations that measure of varying levels of investment in detections rather than actual crime levels. A CHI also leaves out crimes reported in the current year but which occurred in a prior year—because the existing system of counting crimes when they are reported but years after they occurred distorts the measurement of current public safety for which police are held accountable.

The single CHI sum also lends clarity to other relevant indicators, such as the “detection” rate, which currently treats all crimes as created equal. It allows police to invest scarce resources in proportion to the harm of each offence type, by showing the public the proportion of all harm for which police bring offenders to justice. A Harm Detection Fraction (HDF) would use CHI to give the fact that over two-thirds (67%) of murders are detected far more weight than the low detection rate for vandalism (Office of National Statistics 2019). Similarly, a Proactive Policing Index (PPI) would use the CHI to give credit—instead of blame—to police for detecting hidden slavery and organized crime. The annual national and local crime reports recommended by this Consensus Statement are comprised of these seven statistical series to be calculated consistently from each year to the next: 

• A Crime Harm Index (CHI) for crimes against victims in the current year.

• Crime counts by all crime categories, used to calculate the CHI.

• A Historic Offences Index (HOCHI), a CHI for crime occurring in prior years.

• A Proactive Policing Index (PPI), weighted by crime type as for the CHI.

• A Company-Detected Crime Harm Index (CDCHI), also weighted by CHI.

• A Harm Detection Fraction (HDF), which is the proportion of CHI with police detections.

• Detection rates per 100 by all crime categories, used to calculate the HDF.

This system would give the public a reliable and realistic assessment of trends, patterns and differences in public safety. It would also give police a proportionate system of incentives to manage demands for their services with a clear focus on cutting the harm from crime, and not just the high volume of low-harm crimes counted equally. It offers a “bottom-line” for crime, like the profits of a business: a clear metric that untangles the current confusion about what the profusion of crime statistics really means for the general public.

Camb J Evid Based Polic 4, 1–14 (2020).

By Teun van Ruitenburg & Stijn Ruiter

An emerging line of research explores how calculating the harm associated with different types of crime serves as a method to measure crime across times, places and people. A crime harm index (CHI) is suggested to produce a more reliable bottom line indicator of public safety and it would allow law enforcement agencies to invest their scarce resources in proportion to the harm caused by various types of crimes. This scoping literature review maps the literature on crime harm indices published after 2006 by answering the following research questions: (1) what is the rationale for a CHI, (2) what are the possible ways to operationalize a CHI; (3) how can a CHI be used in crime analysis; (4) what are the general outcomes of the studies using a CHI; (5) what are the known challenges and critiques of a CHI and (6) what research gaps related to CHI are expressed in this field of research?

Police Practice and Research 

An International Journal

Volume 24, 2023 - Issue 4

By Mary McCoy

After a nation has transitioned from authoritarianism to democracy, how are democratic norms most effectively fostered and maintained? This book uses as its case study Indonesia after the fall of the dictator Suharto to reveal that a contentious, even scandal-obsessed press can actually prove extremely useful for an emergent democracy. A society that can tolerate and protect journalists willing to expose corruption and scandal among elites is one, the author finds, in which ordinary citizens are willing to believe in and support other democratic institutions. Based on extensive interviews and research in Indonesia, this book offers a new and surprising perspective on the role of the press and the nature of scandal-driven journalism in fledgling democracies.

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. 223p.

By Aaron J. Rosenthal

The State You See uncovers a racial gap in the way the American government appears in people's lives. It makes it clear that public policy changes over the last fifty years have driven all Americans to distrust the government that they see in their lives, even though Americans of different races are not seeing the same kind of government.

For white people, these policy changes have involved a rising number of generous benefits submerged within America's tax code, which taken together cost the government more than Social Security and Medicare combined. Political attention focused on this has helped make welfare and taxes more visible representations of government for white Americans. As a result, white people are left with the misperception that government does nothing for them, apart from take their tax money to spend on welfare. Distrust of government is the result. For people of color, distrust is also rampant but for different reasons. Over the last fifty years, America has witnessed increasingly overbearing policing and swelling incarceration numbers. These changes have disproportionately impacted communities of color, helping to make the criminal legal system a unique visible manifestation of government in these communities.

While distrust of government emerges in both cases, these different roots lead to different consequences. White people are mobilized into politics by their distrust, feeling that they must speak up in order to reclaim their misspent tax dollars. In contrast, people of color are pushed away from government due to a belief that engaging in American elections will yield the same kind of unresponsiveness and violence that comes from interactions with the police. The result is a perpetuation of the same kind of racial inequality that has always been present in American democracy. The State You See is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding how the American government engages in subtle forms of discrimination and how it continues to uphold racial inequality in the present day.

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2023.

By Radmila Mladenova

The study ventures into a topic that has been so far largely neglected in film studies: the ‘gypsy’ phantasm on the big screen. It reconstructs the history of ‘gypsy’ representations in film since the birth of the medium providing a systematic film-theoretical analysis of their aesthetic and social functions. Based on a corpus of over 150 works from European and US cinema, it is shown that ‘gypsy’-themed feature films share the pattern of an ‘ethno-racial’ masquerade, irrespective of the place and time of their origin. The author thus expands the research, concentrated until now in the field of literature, with another art form, film, opening up new dimensions of (popular) cultural antigypsyism.

Heidelberg: University Publishing (heiUP), 2022. 448p.

Edited by Jody Enders

Was there more to comedy than Chaucer, the Second Shepherds’ Play, or Shakespeare? Of course! But, for a real taste of medieval and Renaissance humor and in-your-face slapstick, one must cross the Channel to France, where over two hundred extant farces regularly dazzled crowds with blistering satires. Dwarfing all other contemporaneous theatrical repertoires, the boisterous French corpus is populated by lawyers, lawyers everywhere. No surprise there. The lion’s share of mostly anonymous farces was written by barristers, law students, and legal apprentices. Famous for skewering unjust judges and irreligious ecclesiastics, they belonged to a 10,000-member legal society known as the Basoche, which flourished between 1450 and 1550. What is more, their dramatic send-ups of real and fictional court cases were still going strong on the eve of Molière, resilient against those who sought to censor and repress them. The suspenseful wait to see justice done has always made for high drama or, in this case, low drama. But, for centuries, the scripts for these outrageous shows were available only in French editions gathered from scattered print and manuscript sources. In Trial by Farce, prize-winning theater historian Jody Enders brings twelve of the funniest legal farces to English-speaking audiences in a refreshingly uncensored but philologically faithful vernacular. Newly conceived as much for scholars as for students and theater practitioners, this repertoire and its familiar stock characters come vividly to life as they struggle to negotiate the limits of power, politics, class, gender, and, above all, justice. Through the distinctive blend of wit, social critique, and breathless boisterousness that is farce, we gain a new understanding of comedy itself as form of political correction. In ways presciently modern and even postmodern, farce paints a different cultural picture of the notoriously authoritarian Middle Ages with its own vision of liberty and justice for all. Theater eternally offers ways for new generations to raise their voices and act.

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2023. 284p.